Contents of spoon-archives/seminar-12.archive/salvador_95/salvador_95

From owner-seminar-12 Thu Mar 23 15:59:57 1995 Date: Thu, 23 Mar 1995 10:59:57 -0500 (EST) From: Jon Beasley-Murray Subject: test this might be a salvador list Jon Beasley-Murray Literature Program Duke University --- from list --- ------------------ From owner-seminar-12 Thu Mar 23 19:07:26 1995 Date: Thu, 23 Mar 1995 14:07:26 -0500 (EST) From: Jon Beasley-Murray Subject: Salvador class list Hey y'all. To get in touch with all the Salvador class in one easy move, just send a message to Everyone except for the mysterious "chr" (the bad address in Alberto's original addres compilation) is on this list. And Tracy: do you know that your last message about Roett (and other interesting things about the class) didn't go to everyone? You could now just forward it to Take care Jon Jon Beasley-Murray Literature Program Duke University --- from list --- ------------------ From owner-seminar-12 Fri Mar 24 00:08:12 1995 Date: Thu, 23 Mar 1995 19:08:12 -0500 (EST) From: Jon Beasley-Murray Subject: More on Roett and more things to be done (3 messages) How about a statement, Alberto, then? Jon Beasley-Murray Literature Program Duke University ---------- Forwarded message ---------- Date: Wed, 15 Feb 1995 17:05:19 -0800 From: To: Multiple recipients of list Subject: [PEN-L:4180] PEN-L digest 519 ------------------------------ Date: Wed, 15 Feb 1995 13:58:25 -0600 From: Robert Naiman To: Subject: Chase, Roett, and Latin American Studies Message-ID: <> Harry Cleaver's post also suggests perhaps that those looking for a local "hook" for protests, etc. against the war in Chiapas might target the Center for Latin American Studies at your local campus, if there is one. Ask the Director to issue a statement condemning Roett -- if no such statement is forthcoming, hold a demonstration. Check if you can find some political students at the latino/a cultural center... -bob naiman ------------------------------------ Subject: Turn In Chase Credit Cards! (fwd) > This posting has been forwarded to you as a service of the Austin Comite > de Solidaridad con Chiapas y Mexico. > ====================================== > ---------- Forwarded message ---------- > Date: Tue, 14 Feb 1995 18:10:10 -0600 (CST) > From: Brad Parsons > To: > Cc: > Subject: Re: ** AP Story on Infamous Chase Report ** > > > ---------- Forwarded message ---------- > Date: 14 Feb 1995 18:19:57 U > From: Cooley Stephen > Subject: Re: ** AP Story on Infamous Chase Report ** > > Thanks for another Mexican post Brad. Keep up the good work. IMHO, the Mexican > govt's move in Chiapas is an violation of human rights, and that it was spurred > by pressure from Wall Street firms. Remember several years ago, when Exxon > tried to cover-up the extent of the damage caused by its tanker spill in > Alaska? People returned their Exxon gas credit cards to Exxon in bags filled > with oil. It would be great if the same occurred with Chase credit cards > wrapped in the likeness of the Mexican flag or some similar symbol. Now I'm > not advocating such a move, but I sure would get a chuckle if I read in my > local newspaper that it was taking place. > > Respectfully, > Steve Cooley ------------------------------ Date: Wed, 15 Feb 1995 16:58:11 -0500 From: (Doug Henwood) To:, Subject: Re: Chase, Mexico and Guerrilla Research Message-ID: At 10:52 AM 2/15/95, Harry M. Cleaver wrote: > I see no "danger" here. I see no opposition between identifying the >functionaries of capital and understanding "systemic forces". In the >first place theoretical arguments about "systemic forces" means little or >nothing to most people. What does means something is who knew what, when >and what they did about it. In the second place, theoretically speaking >the concept of "systemic forces" has no meaning without agency. I don't >mind the use of the term but I would never give it the kind of >structuralist interpretation that leaves out subjects. Things certainly >happen behind the backs of the actors, but mostly what that means is that >the outcomes of their actions are not always what they expect or intend. As I said, it was important that the memo was published; it proved that accusations that "Wall Street" wants the Zaps dead are no mere leftist inventions. And of course it's important to put a face on abstractions like "Wall Street" and "capital." But because "systemic forces" may not mean much to most people is no reason to ignore them. Chase can now disown Roett, as it's done; Goldman Sachs could disown Chase if it wanted to. When I spoke with Counterpunch's editor, Ken Silverstein, this morning, I made this point, and he entirely agreed, adding, "It's not like Goldman Sachs came out for social reform in Mexico or anything." The liberal-populist/muckraking/journalistic instinct is very prosecutorial and individualized; throw out the bad apples and all will be well. But of course all won't be well. Roett in this case is capital personified; it's important to make that broader point, but it can get lost in this kind of talk. In fact, I'll bet that GS is happy Chase is taking the heat. Doug -- Doug Henwood [] Left Business Observer 250 W 85 St New York NY 10024-3217 USA +1-212-874-4020 voice +1-212-874-3137 fax --- from list --- ------------------ From owner-seminar-12 Fri Mar 24 01:49:45 1995 Date: Thu, 23 Mar 1995 20:49:45 -0500 (EST) From: Alberto Moreiras Subject: Re: More on Roett and more things to be done (3 messages) A statement is a good idea. I suggest we bring several drafts to class on Monday, or alternatively that we circulate drafts or predrafts through the list, and then we can get firms from the Latin American Studies people, including people at UNC. It'll be interesting to see what happens, although I can't imagine anybody objecting to it. Salud, Alberto --- from list --- ------------------ From owner-seminar-12 Fri Mar 24 15:15:25 1995 Date: Fri, 24 Mar 1995 10:15:25 -0500 (EST) From: Tracy Lynne Devine Subject: Re: Salvador class list I tried to send out the Roett letter by using the "test" address, but it wouldn't work, so I sent out the letter to everyone individually. If someone didn't receive it, let me know and I'll do it again. And thanks for the nifty new address, Jon. It's great! Tracy --- from list --- ------------------ From owner-seminar-12 Fri Mar 24 15:29:38 1995 Date: Fri, 24 Mar 1995 10:29:38 -0500 (EST) From: Tracy Lynne Devine Subject: 23-Mar-95 Special Bulletin Chiapas No. 3 (fwd) ---------- Forwarded message ---------- From: IGC News Desk Note: This is only one of several articles in thus bulletin. Please see the conference 'reg.mexico' for the entire publication, including a version in Spanish. /* Written 8:39 PM Mar 16, 1995 by laneta:amdh in igc:reg.mexico */ EDITORIAL (AMDH BULLETIN) >From a human rights perspective, the last events related to the Chiapas conflict keep showing advances and setbacks, ambiguities and contradictions, revealing its intrinsic complexity. Respect to people's life, freedom, integrity, information, dignity, and the identity of communities are hanging by a thread. It cannot be denied that, specially due to the physical presence in situ, to the monitoring and communication efforts of several NGO's, new and greater violations have been prevented and avoided. However, it is no less true that difficulties in the negotiations still keep human rights in Chiapas in a great precarious and potentially threatened state. Regarding those persons directly affected and those who are victim of several violations, the supposed EZLN leaders and the vast group of people that have had to abandon their homes, must be specially mentioned. Recently, the President of the Human Rights National Commission (CNDH), Jorge Madrazo, informed Congress' competent commissions that from January 2 to March 1995 the CNDH has opened investigations on 379 cases of presumed violations, of which the great majority, 368, pertain to Chiapas and the remaining 11 to the states of Mexico, Veracruz, Puebla, and the Federal District. He severely condemned the Municipality of San Cristobal de Las Casas, which in "an act of true arrogance" did not accept CNDH's recommendation to investigate and make responsible those Council members that perpetrated aggressions against the city's cathedral last February. It is of course possible for a civil and governmental organization with the importance of the CNDH, to engage in a more intense and effective dialogue with the Congress Commission of Human Rights, and Interior and Constitutional Points. This should be also done and not only on behalf of CNDH, with the Senate. Now that the growing plurality, the incipient and critical participation, and promising dynamics of the debates -- precisely due to the Chiapas conflict-- point to a more real, necessary autonomy of the legislative power, the human rights topic can get the corresponding top level priority in our legislators' political agenda. It is there, in the sphere of the people's representation, and not only through reports to the executive power, where criticism, denounces and difficulties in enforcing CNDH recommendations, will be voiced with greater credibility. These would normally be referred to acts of authority of a Government official who would no longer be judge and jury in the discussions over human rights violations. Could this more intense CNDH-Legislative power dialogue be the way to reach more autonomous institutional advances, and in this case, more democratic in the defense of the fundamental rights of the Mexicans? But all this can be possible, really viable, only in the measure civil society can be present. It is indispensable to strengthen and broaden, particularly in crisis situations, the coordination and exchange of information among the human rights defending organisms, governmental or not. This, of course, without affecting people's and groups' independence, and starting from the coincidences and even explicit and coordinated strategies, as demanded by the situation. Two examples related to Chiapas can illustrate the convenience of proposing, justifying and demanding from the members of Congress the fulfillment of the responsibilities in matters of human rights. One: Neither the CONRI nor any other civil organizations were allowed to participate in the debates of the recently approved amnesty law. In consequence, among other gaps of importance, a specific chapter is omitted that would deal with guaranteeing and preventing violations to human rights. And even though the theme of the displaced groups is mentioned, no explicit solutions to this grave problem are offered. Two: Regardless of the enormous efforts carried out in an independent form and not without small sacrifices, to visit the conflict zone, on behalf of the Civil Information Commission that was headed among other by doctor Alfred Lopez Austin, the diffusion of their communiques --where they pointed out the lack of conditions to continue the dialogue-- was practically null. In all, so that moving forward to a just and dignified peace in Chiapas can be an irreversible reality, the human rights topic must be the center of specific negotiations and even more --as it has happened in Central America and other countries-- of previous negotiations to others more substantial, to create conditions of trust that will allow to reach positive results. In this regard, there must not be exclusions whatsoever, to the contrary, the participation of both governmental and civil organizations that keep working for the enforcement of human rights in this country must be fully guaranteed. Oscar Gonzalez --- from list --- ------------------ From owner-seminar-12 Fri Mar 24 15:22:11 1995 Date: Fri, 24 Mar 1995 10:22:11 -0500 (EST) From: Tracy Lynne Devine Subject: 23-Mar-95 UNDERSTANDING CHIAPAS (fwd) No more lame excuses about lack of infomation!!!!! ---------- Forwarded message ---------- Date: Thu, 23 Mar 1995 15:06:04 -0500 (EST) From: Steve Stroman To: Tracy Devine Subject: 23-Mar-95 UNDERSTANDING CHIAPAS (fwd) ---------- Forwarded message ---------- Date: Thu, 23 Mar 1995 14:53:08 -0500 From: Steve Stroman To: Subject: 23-Mar-95 UNDERSTANDING CHIAPAS From: IGC News Desk /* Written 9:14 AM Mar 21, 1995 by foodfirst in igc:reg.mexico */ /* ---------- "UNDERSTANDING CHIAPAS" ---------- */ ************************************************************* Food First Action Alert Institute for Food & Development Policy Please read informational material on the Institute at the end of this piece. ************************************************************* UNDERSTANDING CHIAPAS by Peter Rosset with Shea Cunningham* "We have nothing to lose, absolutely nothing, no decent roof over our heads, no land, no work, poor health, no food, no education, no right to freely and democratically choose our leaders, no independence from foreign interests, and no justice for ourselves or our children. But we say enough is enough! We are the descendants of those who truly built this nation, we are the millions of dispossessed, and we call upon all of our brethren to join our crusade, the only option to avoid dying of starvation!" - Zapatista National Liberation Army (EZLN) Declaration of the Lacandon Jungle, 1993 On New Year's Eve, 1993, the Mexican state of Chiapas was thrust upon the international scene as the Zapatista guerrilla army simultaneously seized control of the colonial city of San Cristbal de las Casas and 5 towns in the surrounding Chiapas highlands. Though this immediately calls to mind the recent conflicts of neighboring Central America, the Zapatistas showed a much greater degree of organization and military strength in their first action than had the FSLN in Nicaragua, the FMLN in El Salvador, or the URNG in Guatemala. And unlike most of the Central American guerrilla organizations, their rank and file are composed almost exclusively of teenagers and young adults from the ethnic Mayan groups of the highlands. What at second glance appears to be another ethnic conflict in a decade of ethnic strife around the world, is both that and more. The roots of the struggle do indeed spring from the history of marginalization and racism to which the Mayan Indians have been subject, but their Declaration of War and other statements clearly reach out to the poor of all ethnic groups across the length and breadth of greater Mexico. With a greater understanding of the cultural and social nuances of Chiapas this and other paradoxes begin to make sense. Roots of the Conflict: 500 Years Since the Conquest Geographically the state of Chiapas is part of Central America, the volcanic isthmus where we find the southernmost frontier of the indigenous cultures of North America. The central region is a high elevation plateau composed of steep rugged terrain, known as the Chiapas highlands. To the Southwest are the fertile Pacific lowlands, to the East is the Lacandon jungle, and to the Southeast lies Guatemala. Originally part of the Captaincy of Guatemala during the time of the Spanish Colony, Chiapas was annexed by Mexico following independence. Nevertheless the highlands can be thought of culturally as the Northern extension of the Altiplano of Guatemala, inhabited by closely related Mayan peoples. Today Chiapas is one of the two poorest states of Mexico (see Box 1). ------------------------------------------------------------- Box 1: Chiapas Poverty Statistics ------------------------------------------------------------- urban rural population Mexico 71% 29% Chiapas 40% 60% Literacy rate Mexico 87% Chiapas 69% Households with running water Mexico 79% Chiapas 58% Households with access to electricity Mexico 88% Chiapas 67% ------------------------------------------------------------- source: Anuario Estadstico de los Estados Unidos Mexicanos, (Instituto Naconal de Estadistica, Geografia E Informatica, 1991) The historical roots of todays conflict go back to the pre- conquest era when the Pacific lowland areas served as the breadbasket of the indigenous civilizations. The arrival of the Spanish, however, ushered in a period of 500 years during which indigenous peoples were progressively pushed off those lands by the expansion of plantations owned by Spanish- speaking Ladinos (people of mixed Spanish and Indian descent). By the turn of the century the fertile lands of the region were mostly occupied by cattle ranches and sugar, coffee and cotton plantations, while the indigenous people of Chiapas were forced to farm the thin, rocky soils found on the steep slopes of the highlands. Not only did the original inhabitants of the region lose their lands, but they have also been subject to centuries of fierce racism and discrimination on the part of the dominant Ladino society, which continues virtually unabated to this day. Yet the last 40 years have probably contributed as much to the current situation as did the 500 years since the Conquest. The Past 40 Years In the 1950's the shrinking plots of land in the highlands could no longer support the Indian population and the poorest began to migrate toward the last frontier, the sparsely populated Lacandon jungle area to the East. There these colonists cleared tracts of rainforest land and exposed red clay soils that lose their fertility within one to three crop cycles. They were soon joined by Spanish speaking peasants fleeing poverty in many other areas of Mexico, many of them with experiences in local peasant revolts. Meanwhile those who remained behind in the Chiapas highlands saw a dramatic redrawing of social configurations within the indigenous villages during the 1970's and 80's. In the late seventies the oil boom in bordering states initiated a cycle of social polarization in the highlands that was accelerated by the debt crisis of the early eighties. Class lines were accentuated within the communities, with the increasing alignment of local, indigenous elites or caciques with the governing party, and the emergence of a burgeoning underclass of the newly dispossessed. These latter families once again initiated a cycle of migration and colonization of still unexploited lands in nearby lower elevation areas. Together with the indigenous peoples of the neighboring state of Oaxaca, the lowland colonists and the destitute in the highlands were the poorest, most desperate people in Mexico. As if that were not already enough, the conditions faced by most of them have worsened substantially during the past 10 years, as successive Mexican presidents have implemented structural adjustment and free trade policies that have eroded fully 40% of the purchasing power of the Mexican poor. Finally, Mexican President Carlos Salinas' controversial Solidarity anti-poverty program never reached the Lacandon area to any significant extent. Thus it should come as no surprise that the lower elevation Lacondon settlements of highland colonists should be the incubators for armed rebellion. Sounds of Conflict I myself lived in San Cristbal de las Casas until December 15th, and while I was no longer there when the Zapatistas arrived, many of my friends were. Jenna and Michael work on an organic farming project nearby. This is from a fax that Jenna sent to stateside acquaintances: "Michael and I were at home on the first day of the new year of 1994, when they say this all began. Perhaps it really began 500 years ago. As I awoke, a familiar and dramatic nasal voice, punctuated with static, permeated my consciousness. I thought of the radio sounds of Nicaragua. It was the recognizable sound of a revolutionary broadcast. I rolled over. Within an hour we were in the plaza recording on film bright, young Indian men, women and even children, wearing clean and freshly pressed polyester khaki uniforms, sporting one-shot rifles, bayonets, home-made grenades, machetes, axes, and AK-47s. We talked with the masked leaders. The message was not new, not a surprise to anyone living here: we want land so we can grow food, access to health care, free schools, a decent wage, an end to racism. Our lives are not worth living if things do not change. We would rather die fighting than watch our children die of malnutrition or curable diseases. The state of Chiapas is a world divided by racism and by rich and poor. A majority of the Mayan Indians here live in wood slat and mud houses with dirt floors. Eight to ten people sleep together in one room on three or four beds. Most have access only to dirty water from a nearby stream for cooking, cleaning and drinking, and for dumping their own waste. Children readily die of diarrhea and dehydration, of tuberculosis, or of some other preventable or curable disease that stalks their malnourished bodies. On the fifth day of the war we listened to the bombs drop all afternoon while we tended to the seedlings, tucking them into the soil, and gently watering them. All the while the army was at work with their bombs, destroying homes, killing civilians, and forcing others to flee from their communities. How strange to be caring for such fragile little plants, while the army was busy destroying human beings. How difficult to understand why a government finds it more convenient to repress and destroy, rather than to nurture and educate its people." Beyond Conventional Wisdom What lessons should we be taking from the events in Chiapas? One answer is that you can't force a people to live under progressively more intolerable conditions for centuries and not expect a violent response. Beyond that, we can use these events to better understand the dynamics of rural indigenous communities. Conventional wisdom among anthropologists and others has long assumed that such communities are relatively insular units, with little relationship or integration into the larger, non- indigenous or non-peasant society. According to such reasoning they engage primarily in farming activities, and only relate to the nation state through a defensive or reactive posture. If we believe this we are forced into a sort of black and white form of thinking: either we romanticize their lifestyle, imagining it to be pristine, unaffected by and better than modern life, or we assume that they are backward and inefficient, an obstacle to modernization. These polarized viewpoints have cut across the political spectrum, with indigenous rights activists and many traditional conservatives tending toward the first view, and socialist state planners and neo-liberals agreeing upon the latter. None of these positions have been translated into effective policy, howeverQwitness rural development debacles across the worldQand it is clear that we are now in desperate need of a more nuanced understanding of peasant societies. Recent Study on Chiapas A recently completed study of highland Chiapas by Stanford University anthropologist George Collier is a good first step toward such an understanding. By focusing on the oil boom and the subsequent debt crisis he has found a much more subtle and far reaching degree of connectedness than previously thought between apparently "insular" Mayan communities and the national economy of Mexico. The boom in the nearby oil fields and the employment that was generated in related construction, transport and development activities, exerted a pull that drew able bodied men out of the highlands and into remunerated wage labor, in some cases quite well remunerated, for periods of up to several years. This labor exodus led to a collapse of highland agriculture. Conventional views of peasant societies would have predicted that once this process had occurred it would be irreversibleQ that peasant agriculture would never recover. Yet Collier found that when employment opportunities in the lowlands evaporated during Mexico's 1982 debt crisis, Mayans returned en masse to the highlands and in fact revitalized their farming activities. This revitalized peasant agriculture was, however, very different from the traditional agriculture that existed before the oil boom. Farmers had not previously used chemical fertilizers and pesticides, instead growing corn with shifting cultivation in which the lengthy fallow period allowed the notoriously poor soils to recover some degree of fertility before being planted again. The key productive input was labor, for clearing and preparation of fields but especially for weeding during the growing season. When the men returned to their villages after the oil boom they brought with them two things, the money some of them had saved and a taste for modern technology. They capitalized their agricultural production via the introduction of fertilizers and herbicides, which are now ubiquitous in the highlands. This change in agricultural practices has contributed to two profound transformations, changing both the highland landscape and social relations within indigenous communities. A Landscape of Poverty Aerial photographs show quite dramatically the change in the landscape surrounding Apas, a highland community for which Collier has assembled three decades of data. The area in crops dropped substantially during the oil boom, but later rebounded to cover an area much greater than ever before Q a consequence of the decline of shifting cultivation. Fertilizers are now used to provide soil fertility in place of the fallow cycle, and herbicides allow continuous use of land that would once have been left fallow for several years. From a landscape that was dominated by second growth and forest it has been transformed to one dominated by annual crops. This has had an important environmental consequence: a dramatic increase in soil erosion as the heavy rains wash away the earth that is barely protected by annual crops. This degradation of the land and associated loss of soil fertility lowers the ability of the land to sustain human populations, contributing to the tendency toward outward migration. Caciques and the Newly Destitute While land and family labor were once the essential production factors used in highland farming, the capital to purchase chemicals and to hire additional labor has now become the most important Tinput.' The newly competitive, commercial nature of agriculture has meant that access to capital has become the axis around which farming activities have been reorganized. Those who accumulated more capital during the oil boom, particularly those who invested in trucks and other transport vehicles, now control highland agriculture through money lending, sharecropping, land rental, labor contracting, transport and other activities. These are the caciques. People at the other extreme have become the newly destitute referred to above, in some cases working as day laborers but in many cases emigrating from their communities, sometimes voluntarily and sometimes forcibly, as political, religious and community relations have fractured along the lines of the economic polarization wrought in agriculture. These people have founded new communities in the interstices between the older ones, or have migrated permanently in some cases to urban areas and in other cases to the agricultural frontier in the Lacandon lowlands, where they have joined the earlier colonists. The Poorest of the Poor The earlier colonists were perhaps in even worse shape than the more recent arrivals, as the isolated nature of the area in which they live meant that few, if any of them participated in the oil boom employment, and because their soils are even worse than those of the highlands. It is this area of frontier settlements in jungle clearings that has produced the Zapatistas. This is where the poorest people in Mexico live, and while most of them speak indigenous languages of highland origin, the presence of Spanish- speaking migrants from elsewhere may have provided the final ingredient of insurgent peasant ideology. Worsening economic conditions of recent years and developments such as NAFTA, with it's provisions for lowering the price of the corn they produce, seem to have triggered events leading to the armed struggle that these poorest of the poor have now carried to the highlands from whence many of them came. One factor that the Zapatistas have referred to repeatedly in their communiques is the reform of Article 27 of the Mexican constitution that President Salinas pushed through in preparation for NAFTA. This amendment ended the agrarian reform that has been carried out sporadically since the Mexican revolution; thus effectively dashing the hopes of landless peasants of ever owning their own small farms. Making Sense of the Paradoxes The nuances revealed by Collier's work explain two things in the news that at first seemed contradictory. First, why has there been a mixed reaction to the uprising in highland communities? Why were rebel prisoners beaten by townspeople in Ocosingo, while other local civilians expressed support for the guerrillas? This ceases to be a paradox once we grasp the non-homogeneity of these villages. Although all seem poor to the outside observer, there are in fact townspeople who are wealthy by local standards, who have hitched their fate to the dominant political party, and who thus have much to lose in an uprising which surely is at least in part against them. The second apparent contradiction is found in the rhetoric used by the Zapatistas in their pronouncements. If this is an ethnic rebellion, and indeed the vast majority of the fighters barely speak Spanish, why do their press releases contain no statements of ethnic nationalism? Rather than rejecting the legitimacy of the Ladino Mexican state, they use the constitution to justify their actions. Their "Declaration of the Jungle" contains the following language, reminiscent of the U.S. declaration of Independence: "We call upon Article 39 of the Mexican Constitution which states "the people have at all times the inalienable right to alter or change the nature of their government." Therefore, in accordance with our Constitution, we issue this DECLARATION OF WAR... People of Mexico, we call for your total participation in this struggle for work, land, housing, food, health care, education independence, liberty, democracy, justice and peace." This is no declaration of ethnic warfare. It is strikingly different from the words used by the Shining Path in Peru or the Bosnian Serbs. In fact, taken as a whole, the various press releases of the Zapatistas paint a picture of an uprising of the poor, regardless of ethnicity, calling for basic human rights. It is likely that the mixing in of Spanish speaking peasants in the Lacandon settlements contributed to the inclusionary, rather than exclusionary, nature of their rhetoric. The broad appeal of the Zapatista message has led to a degree of David vs. Goliath sympathy among the general population of Mexico, provoking large solidarity marches. And it has thrust the very nature of the neo-liberal economic model of the Salinas administration onto the national agenda for discussion, as urban elites wake up to the reality that there are now two Mexicos: the yuppie Mexico in the capital and Northern cities that has fed upon market liberalization and NAFTA-related investment, and the ever larger and ever more marginalized poor Mexico. The easy transition that President Salinas expected to his hand-picked successor suddenly doesn't look so easy. He has already had to make concessions on electoral reform that were unthinkable even last year, and topics that were taboo, such as the role of the military in Mexican society, are now openly debated. It would appear that the Zapatistas have let the genie of popular inconformity out of the bottle, and it remains to be seen if Salinas and the governing Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) will be able to get it back in. Outlines of an Alternative What sort of changes would be necessary to provide a decent life to the indigenous people of Chiapas and poor peasants throughout Mexico? Is peasant farming an anachronism that must disappear if we are to eliminate rural poverty? At Food First we believe that these questions are linked, and that in answering with a qualified no to the second we can approach a response to the first. As social relations and land tenure are currently configured in Chiapas, and indeed across Mexico, peasant agriculture is not viable. But that is not an intrinsic characteristic, but rather the product of trade policies and land concentration. What is needed is both a new land distribution program and a favorable macroeconomic environment. Mayan communities must be given communal ejido holdings in fertile lowland areas, with guarantees of secure tenure. This is not so far-fetched as it seems, as previous Mexican land reforms have given some villages limited access to quality lowland farmland which they work on a seasonal basis. Fair credit must be made available too and crop prices should be supported sufficiently to allow for a sustainable livelihood, much as is done in Japan, Taiwan and elsewhere. This is best achieved through barriers to cheap imports rather than subsidies, thereby avoiding deficit spending. Finally corrupt local authorities linked to the PRI must be thrown out, as has been demanded in the many peasant takeovers of towns that have taken place since the start of the Zapatista uprising. Of course these changes would require democratization, some rollback of NAFTA and the restoration of Article 27 of the constitution, but these are just the sort of issues that the Zapatistas have thrust into the national debate in Mexico. Resources The works of anthropologist George Collier provide some of the best background material on the Chiapas highlands. His "Seeking Food and Seeking Money: Changing Productive Relations in a Highland Mexican Community", (Discussion Paper, United Nations Research Institute for Social Development, May 1990), "Adaptndose a la Crisis de los Ochenta: Cambios Socio-Econmicos en Apas, Zinacantan" (with Daniel Mountjoy, DOC-035-II/1988 of the Instituto de Asesora Antropolgica para la Regin Maya in San Cristbal de las Casas), and Fields of the Tzotzil: The Ecological Bases of Tradition in Highland Chiapas, (University of Texas Press, Austin, 1975), are highly recommended. Corporate Strategies and Popular Responses in Rural Mexico: State and Opposition 1970-1988, a doctoral dissertation by Neil Harvey (Department of Government, University of Essex), describes nascent peasant political organization in the Lacandon settlements. The Spring 1992 issue of Cultural Survival Quarterly contained an excellant piece on confrontations between peasants and the military in Chiapas, titled "Return to Porfirismo: The View from Mexico's Southern Frontier Contradicts Headier Visions", by June Nash and Kathleen Sullivan. Transforming State-Society Relations in Mexico: The National Solidarity Strategy, edited by Wayne Cornelius, Anne Kraig and Jonathan Fox (The Center for US-Mexican Studies, La Jolla, CA, 1994), and "Neopopulist Solutions to Neoliberal Problems: Mexico's National Solidarity Program", by Denise Dresser (Current Issue Brief No. 3, Center for US-Mexican Studies, University of California, San Diego, 1991), delve into the controversial nature of the Salinas anti-poverty program known as Solidarity. What should we do? As concerned members of the international community, we should not turn our backs on the Chiapas crisis, even as the press loses interest. Given the poor human rights record of the Salinas government (see Box 2) and reports from Chiapas of extrajudicial executions of Zapatista prisoners together with civilian deaths, disappearances and torture, we must "keep our eyes on Chiapas," to use the words of Medea Benjamin of Global Exchange, who recently returned from a human rights delegation to the region. We must support those sectors of Mexican society who are seizing upon the opening that the Zapatistas have created to press forward public debate on the directions of Mexican development and democracy. And because of the essentially just nature of the demands of the Zapatistas themselves, we must pressure the Mexican government to live up to the agreements that are negotiated with them. ------------------------------------------------------------- box 2 Mexican Human Rights Record ------------------------------------------------------------- "Torture was frequently used by law-enforcement agents, particularly the state and judicial police, throughout Mexico. Most of the victims were criminal suspects but someP including leaders of indigenous communities and human rights activistsPwere apparently targeted solely for their peaceful political activities." PAmnesty International, 1993 "Over the past four years, Human Rights Watch/Americas Watch and other human rights organications have documented a consistent pattern of torture and due process abuses in a criminal justice system laced with corruption; electoral fraud and election-related violence; harassment, intimidation and even violence against independent journalists, human rights monitors, environmentalists, workers, peasants and indigenous peoples when they seek to exercise their rights to freedom of expression and assembly; and impunity for those who violate fundamental rights." PAmericas Watch,1993 As of February 1, 1994, the Secretariat for Human Rights of the Party of the Democratic Revolution (PRD), the principal left opposition party, reports that 263 of their members, activists and supporters have been assassinated since the beginning of the 1988 electoral campaign. ------------------------------------------------------------- A group of non-governmental organizations in Chiapas, the Peace Coalition of San Cristbal de las Casas, has created a Chiapas Emergency Fund. The Coalition will provide short term assistance to displaced people, including food, potable water, medicine, construction materials for clinics, and funds for transportation and communication. They have set up an emergency response network to insure the security of community leaders who may be targets of government repression. The Coalition will document and disseminate information on military abuses, will host fact-finding delegations and will send speakers abroad to report on the human rights situation. Funds are desperately needed. Checks for the Chiapas Emergency Fund can be made out to Global Exchange/Chiapas, and sent to 2017 Mission Street, Suite 303, San Francisco, CA 94110, 415-255-7296. ************************************************************* * Peter Rosset is the new Executive Director of the Institute for Food and Development Policy (Food First). In 1992-3 he directed the Stanford University Regional Center in Chiapas, Mexico. Shea Cunningham is a research assistant at Food First. ************************************************************* The Institute for Food & Development Policy -- Food First -- is a member supported "people's think tank" that provides the activist community, policy makers, the media, universities and the general public with alternative viewpoints and analyses of the issues of food, hunger and development. If you read this piece and found it useful we would like you to consider becoming a member of Food First. Only with the support of people like yourself can we continue to provide our brand of independent analysis -- independent of the government and of major foundations to the extent that individuals like yourself give us your support. Please print out and mail us the following coupon: ------------------------------------------------------------- I'd like to become a member of Food First Here's my tax deductible donation of $30 $50 $100 $______ All members receive Action Alerts and Food First News & Views (by mail, laid out and with photos). $40 or more gives you New Member Plus (includes a one year subscription to The New Internationalist) Please send me the following books: The Greening of Cuba: A National Experiment of Organic Agriculture, by Peter Rosset and Medea Benjamin _____$11.95 Biodiversity: Social and Economic Consequences, by Vandana Shiva, et. al. _____$15.00 Family Farming: A New Economic Vision, by Marty Strange _____$7.50 Dark Victory: The US, Structural Adjustment and Global Poverty, by Walden Bello with Shea Cunningham and Bill Rau _____$12.95 Alternatives to the Peace Corps, edited by Annette Olson _____$6.95 Action Alerts: 50 each, 5/$2, 50/$11.50, 100/$17, 500/$65. Minimum order $2. Understanding Chiapas Quantity $______ Subtotal $_______ CA residents add 7.5% (Bay Area 8.5%), add $2 per book for shipping $_______ Tax deductable donation $100, $50, $30, $20 $_______Total enclosed Charge my : Visa ___ MC___ card #_________________________Expires____________ Name_________________________Phone#_______________ Address___________________________________________ City/State/Zip____________________________________ Send to: Food Fist, 398 60th Street, Oakland, CA 94618 or call: 800-888-3314 or 510-654-4400 or e-mail: ------------------------------------------------------------- --- from list --- ------------------ From owner-seminar-12 Fri Mar 24 17:58:47 1995 Date: Fri, 24 Mar 1995 12:58:47 -0500 (EST) From: Jon Beasley-Murray Subject: Re: Roett statements (fwd) Like it says... Jon Beasley-Murray ---------- Forwarded message ---------- Date: Fri, 24 Mar 1995 11:48:10 -0600 (CST) From: Harry M. Cleaver To: Jon Beasley-Murray Subject: Re: Roett statements Jon: I've got some stuff, but I'm on my way out the door to catch a plane to Denver. I'll sent it to you on Monday. Ciao, Harry On Fri, 24 Mar 1995, Jon Beasley-Murray wrote: > Do you have examples of statements made by Latin American studies people > in protest at Roett's work with Chase? I know I received at least one > such from you (drafted by people at John Hopkins), but I deleted it, > unfortunately. Whatever you can pass along would be good. > > Take care > > Jon, working on getting some similar action moving here. > > Jon Beasley-Murray > Literature Program > Duke University > > > ====================================== Harry Cleaver Department of Economics University of Texas at Austin Austin, Texas 78712-1173 USA Phone Numbers: (hm) (512) 442-5036 (off) (512) 471-3211 Fax: (512) 471-3510 E-mail: ====================================== --- from list --- ------------------ From owner-seminar-12 Fri Mar 24 17:47:00 1995 Date: Fri, 24 Mar 1995 12:47:00 -0500 (EST) From: Jon Beasley-Murray Subject: 21-Feb-95 Chase Manhatten Bank Memo Suggests (fwd) In case anyone didn't get it. Jon Beasley-Murray ---------- Forwarded message ---------- Date: Thu, 23 Mar 1995 12:32:01 -0500 (EST) From: Tracy Lynne Devine To: Cc: Subject: 21-Feb-95 Chase Manhatten Bank Memo Suggests (fwd) Hey kids, here's the Chase memo et al that I mentioned in class. Ciao, Tracy ---------- Forwarded message ---------- Date: Sat, 11 Mar 1995 19:26:06 -0500 (EST) From: Tracy Lynne Devine To: Cc: Subject: 21-Feb-95 Chase Manhatten Bank Memo Suggests (fwd) Dear Alberto, I'm guessing you've seen this letter & the reaction to it already, but I was thinking that it might be interesting to address in the context of the El Salvador class, and wondering if other students have heard of/seen the memo yet. I think it's a great example of how the particular nature of US national security may have changed, while the result of security doctrine (i.e. policies that are put forth and supported in the name of national security or national interest) have changed very little. As for my comment the other day in class over the National Security State, (NSS), I guess my concern is more than anything a reaction to the tendency for (some) people to use the term synonomously with "national security." And, given the way you've defined NSS in the context of the course, I think that tendency is highly problematic. If we cannot talk about the NSS until after 1947(?), when the Nat. Sec. Council was established, I can deal with that, although it's of course possible to look at US policies before that date (as Landeau did) which existed for purposes of national security. If we define the NSS as an historic event, a period of time, than what do we do with policies/ideologies such as those reflected in the Chase memo? An historical definition of the NSS of course means that it theoretically ceased to exist as soon as Soviet expansionism was no longer a viable "threat" to "US interests," (whatever that means.) However, since the NSC is still around, and the rest of the national security state apparatus still exists in full force, couldn't it make equal sense to argue that the NSS also still exists, and that Cold War anti-communism was just one (i.e. the first) manesfestation of that type of State? Of course it's dubious (I hope) that Washington will follow Roett's advice, because it seems to me tantamount to political suicide. Yet, on the other hand, I'm sure there are plenty of politicians--especially considering our lovely new Congress--who would 1) completely agree with Roett and, 2) support a policy to crush the Zapatistas, if they could do it a la Nixon in Cambodia or Ollie North (Reagan?) in Nicaragua. In other words, if we use an historical definition of NSS, than post-1947, the NSS is fundamentally distinct from "national security," and people should be careful to be clear about which term they are referring to. Or, if the NSS can be, as I'd like to think, something more general than the anti-communist, guerilla-fighting machine that functioned in 1980s El Salvador, than the NSS and national security seem to now be one in the same thing. Do you think this is possible, or am I just getting caught up in a dumb semantic argument? (This is not a rhetorical question, I really don't know and would be curious to talk to you about it after break.) Aside from all this, I'd like to just put my two cents in about the class in general, and I apologize for taking almost a week to do it. Overall I like the class very much and I think the difficulties you mentioned in your memo to the seminar do not overshadow the many good things going on in the course. The comments about "not knowing where we are going" etc... do not personally bother me too much, because I think that is perhaps endemic to a seminar of this type. Unless the professor teaching the course wants to play the dictatorial role of telling people what they should be gleaning from each reading/class meeting, than what students are left with is the job of making their own meanings and connections. Like you said, we come into the course knowing different things and we leave the classroom having understood different things. That's great. The only problem would be for someone to leave the classroom with nothing, and I don't see how that would be possible unless that someone is doing no work on his/her own. As far as historical background, dates, etc..., students can do that at home, and I don't see why we should waste the opportunity of having all those people together to talk about stuff people could look up on an individual basis, according to their own interests. The presentations have been pretty eclectic so far, but personally, I like that. (And we've only had 3, including my own, so it's kind of hard to pull out a lot of commonalities there!) It seems that the option would be for you to assign topics, which I'm experiencing in another course this semester and really do not like at all. It seems pretty antithetical to the idea of liberal eduacation, and certainly to liberal graduate education. The bottom like, for me, is that we're not going to come out of the class knowing everything there is to know about El Salvador from 1979-92, which might be a possible explanation, given the title of the course. That kind of expectation would be analogous to the CIS report passed around in class last week, which sums up 12 years of a nation's history in 100 pages or so. If I come away from the course with a better understanding of the root causes of the war, how it was played out and what the US role was, some of the literary/cultural discourses that emerged, and some ideas about how to situate that knowledge into a more general framework, I'll be very happy. The syllabus of the course is very ambitious, and I think this is a classic example of the "work-hard principle." It's not supposed to be easy to make connections in a course like the one you've set up, and though it sounds kind of corny, I really believe that students are only going to get out of it what they are willing to invest. As a corollary, everyone in the class has got to speak up when s/he has something to say or to ask. Those who feel more inclined to speak need to be a little more sensitive to raised hands, waiting to be called upon, and a little more willing to yield the floor rather than filibustering at will. If you have some time during office hours after break, I'd like to talk to you briefly about my final project and the SSRC stuff you sent out a while back. Coming from a social science background, I found the original letter and your response really fascinating, though I certainly don't pretend to have understood everything that was going on there. I hope you have a good break and hope to talk to you before our next class. Un abrazo, Tracy From: IGC News Desk Subject: Chase Manhatten Bank Memo Suggests Mexican Gov't to Attack Chiapas /* Written 12:21 PM Feb 15, 1995 by dmcmillen in igc:reg.mexico */ /* ---------- "Chase Manhatten Bank Memo Suggests" ---------- */ From: Dale McMillen Subject: Chase Manhatten Bank Memo Suggests Mexican Gov't to Attack Chiapas << This is a leaked memo from Chase Manhattan Bank implicating Chase Manhattan Bank in pressuring the Mexican government to attack the indigenous people of Chiapas, suggest the government's meddling in elections and internal labor union negotiations. >> -------------------------------------------------------------------------- >Date: Tue, 14 Feb 1995 19:18:37 -0500 >From: "Paul Houle" >Subject: Manhattan-Chase memo about Chiapas MEXICO-POLITICAL UPDATE January 13, 1995 CHASE MANHATTAN S EMERGING MARKETS GROUP MEMO Riordan Roett SUMMARY The greatest threat to political stability in Mexico today, we believe, is the current monetary crisis. Until the administration of President Ernesto Zedillo identifies the appropriate policies to stabilize the peso and avoid uncontrolled inflation, it will be almost impossible to address issues such as Chiapas and judicial and electoral reform. Moreover, a prolongation of the crisis, with its negative impact on living standards, raises the issue of labor unrest, specifically, and societal discontent, in general. THE ZEDILLO GOVERNMENT The inauguration of Ernesto Zedillo on December 1, 1994 as president of Mexico appeared to open a new chapter in the effort to modernize national politics. In his inaugural address, Zedillo stressed the Importance of resolving outstanding political scandals such as the assassinations of 1994; as a guarantee of transparency and he appointed as Attorney General a member of the opposition National Action Party (PAN). The new president called for judicial and electoral reform and for a peaceful resolution of the year-old insurgency in the southern state of Chiapas. He stressed the need for transparency in government and the need to educate and train the Mexican people. Zedillo's cabinet, drawn from the same pool as that of his, predecessor, Carlos Salinas de Gortari, gave the impression of competence and commitment. On December 20, Finance Minister Jaime Serra Puehe, the successful negotiator of the NAFTA during the Salinas years, suddenly announced the devaluation of the peso. In the fall out from that decision, not shared with the international financial community or foreign investors, Serra Puche resigned and was replaced by Guillermo Ortiz. Ortiz had been number two in the Finance Ministry in the Salinas government and had been appointed as the Secretary of Communications and Transport by Zedillo. Ortiz is now in charge of the government's recovery strategy. In our opinion, until the government is successful in stabilizing the peso, avoiding a sharp increase in inflation, and regaining investor confidence, it will be difficult for Zedillo to address the agenda of reforms identified on December 1. There are three areas in which the current monetary crisis can undermine political stability in Mexico. The first is Chiapas; the second in the upcoming state elections; and the third is the role of the labor unions, their relationship to the government and the governing PRI. CHIAPAS The uprising in the southern state of Chiapas is now one-year old and, apparently, no nearer to resolution. The leader, or spokesman, of the movement, sub-commandante Marcos, remains adamant in his demand that the incumbent PRI governor resign and be replaced by the PRD candidate who, Marcos argues, was deprived of victory by government fraud in the recent election. Marcos continues to lobby for widespread social and economic reform in the state. Incidents continue between the local police and military authorities and those sympathetic to the Zapatista movement, as the insurgency is called, and local peasant groups who are sympathetic to Marcos and his cronies. While Zedillo is committed to a diplomatic and political solution th the stand-off in Chiapas, it is difficult to imagine that the current environment will yield a peaceful solution. Moreover, to the degree that the monetary crisis limits the resources available to the government for social and economic reforms, it may prove difficult to win popular support for the Zedillo administration's plans for Chiapas. More relevant, Marcos and his supporters may decide to embarrass the government with an increase in local violence and force the administration to cede to Zapatista demands and accept an embarrassing political defeat. The alternative is a military offensive to defeat the insurgency which would create an international outcry over the use of violence and the suppression of indigenous rights. While Chiapas, in our opinion, does not pose a fundamental threat to Mexican political stability, it is perceived to be so by many in the investment community. The government will need to eliminate the Zapatistas to demonstrate their effective control of the national territory and of security policy. STATE ELECTIONS President Zedillo, in his inaugural address, restated his commitment to opening the electoral system to opposition parties. This has been a principal issue between the PRI-dominated government and the PAN and the PRD in recent years. The more conservative wing of the PRI has opposed political liberalization while the Zedillo group has argued that an opening is both inevitable and justified. The current monetary crisis opens the question of whether or not Zedillo and the reformers will have the capacity to honor conservatives will argue that the crisis justifies the continued one-party rule even if it must be maintained by fraud. The opposition, which generally contests PRI electoral victories regardless of the validity of PRD claims, will be emboldened to continue to do so. Zedillo will be faced with a difficult situation in which he will need to neutralize the conservative members of his own party while maintaining his commitment to allow the opposition to win when they do so legitimately. Elections will be held this year in the states of Jalisco, Guanajuato, Yucatan, Michoacan, and Baja California. three will hold both state congressional and gubernatorial elections. Michoacan will vote only for a state congress and Guanajuato only for a governor. In all of the states, the opposition is historically strong and has a history of reacting strongly to electoral fraud, real or perceived. The government's electoral strategy in 1994 was based on holding together core PRI supporters with the prospects of employment, an increase in real wages, and more spending on public works. The monetary crisis makes it highly unlikely that the PRI can adapt that strategy to the 1995 electoral cycle. Moreover, while the PRI probably won over some opposition votes with its perceived economic success story in 1994, it is unlikely that they will gain any opposition ballots in 1995. The Zedillo administration will need to consider carefully whether or not to allow opposition victories if fairly won at the ballot box. To deny legitimate electoral victories by the opposition will be a serious setback in the President's electoral strategy. But a failure to retain PRI control runs the risk of splitting the governing party. We believe that the ability of the Zedillo administration to resolve the inherent conflicts in the 1995 electoral agenda will be instrumental in determining whether or not the government will be able to fulfill its pledge to liberalize Mexican politics. THE LABOR MOVEMENT The labor movement has been the backbone of the PRI for decades. The willingness of labor leadership to take its cues from the PRI has been a fundamental part of the stability in Mexico since the 1930s. The current monetary crisis threatens to undermine that support because of the negative impact on living standards and wages. The fall in value of the peso severely under cuts the capacity of the average Mexican worker to purchase the bare necessities of life each day. In preparing the emergency economic program announced by President Zedillo on January 3, 1995, the most difficult negotiations were apparently with the labor unions who feared the impact on their membership of the hardships required if the program is to be successful. In September 1994, the unions had signed an agreement with the governmenven percent wage increase for 1995. That agreement also included income-tax credits for the lowest-paid workers and some productivity bonuses in contracts. The seven percent wage package was considered a fair deal then because the government estimated that inflation would be only four percent in 1995. With the loss of purchasing power and rises in prices resulting from the peso's devaluation, government economists now think inflation might reach fifteen percent in 1995, and some economists say it will exceed twenty percent. Mexican workers still have not recovered the standard of living they had in 1980, now three devaluations ago. The new agreement signed January 3, 1995 retains the seven percent wage increase. In exchange, the government pledged to minimize price increases and keep inflation from spiraling. Under the agreement, the lowest-paid workers will get a tax credit equal to as much as three percent of income. The government has promised to expand to 700,000 people government-funded scholarships for worker training. In our opinion prolonged continuation of the current crisis will result in pressures to reopen the agreement and compensate Mexican workers for their loss of purchasing power prolonged continuation of the current crisis will result in pressures to reopen the agreement and compensate Mexican workers for their loss of purchasing power. The first indication of this occured on January 11, when the Mexican Confederation of Labor called on its affiliates to demand an immediate 15.3 percent salary increase for January and a 56 percent increase for the rest of 1995. The strong corporatist links between government and unions have weakened in recent years. While the administration still retains influence, it does not have total control. If the crisis continues, the Zedillo administration may be faced with the options of either rejecting worker demands for higher wages and facing the possibility of demonstrations or yielding to worker demands which will further aggravate the economic situation. CONCLUSIONS The Mexican monetary crisis has overshadowed the commitment of the Zedillo administration to a new wave of political reforms that include political negotiations to resolve the Chiapas crisis and to guarantee fair elections at the state and municipal levels. It also raises the issue of whether or not the Mexican working class will accept a prolonged period of wage losses and diminished living standards. These social and political questions, which are of high priority to the President, will inevitably be postponed until the economic situation is clarified. To the degree that the Zedillo government is unable to stabilize the peso and avoid inflation, in our opinion, it runs the risk of social and political uncertainty. --- from list --- ------------------ From owner-seminar-12 Fri Mar 24 23:36:05 1995 From: "Brian Patton O'malley" Subject: Outline for term paper Date: Fri, 24 Mar 1995 18:36:05 -0500 (EST) Topic: The U.S. version of reality in El Salvador (1980-1992). An investigation into how the means for delivering information from El Salvador to the people of the U.S. affected the perception among U.S. Americans of reality in El Salvador. I will pay particular attention to the congressional research support documents and network television news coverage. I. Introduction II. What interest does the U.S. have in El Salvador? A. National Security (which includes military, economic, and political concerns) B. Human Rights C. The Caribbeanization of the U.S. ?? III. The perception of the conflict in El Salvador within the National Security framework A. Insurgency vs. Counter-counter insurgency B. Where do the civilians fit in? i. The sea that hosts the revolution IV. The perception of the conflict in El Salvador from a Human Rights stand point A. The victims of the conflict B. The Latinamericanization issue V. Congressional interest in El Salvador A. The balance between National Security interest and Human Rights interest B. How do the CRS documents portray the conflict? i. Who are the factions and who controls and supports them? ii. How are civilians portrayed? a. As a communist threat b. As victims iii. Reality via statistics iv. In whose hands are the decisions for the future of El Salvador? C. The implications on policy of this view of reality VI. Network television news interest in El Salvador A. National Security vs. Human Rights B. Reality through t.v. images i. Objectivity ii. The comparitive portrayal of various types of subjects iii. The view of reality created C. Implications on t.v. viewers' attitudes about El Salvador VII. The relationship between the U.S. American public and the National Security aparatus A. The difference in priorities B. The resulting need for secrecy on the part of the N.S. aparatus C. The strengthening of the effect that National Security interest has on the version of reality reaching the U.S. from El Salvador VIII. Conclusion (I feel a bit like I am trying to write on something that is beyond my knowledge and beyond my ability to sum up. However, the topic interests me because it has so much to do with my relationship with the events in Central America, Mexico etc.) --- from list --- ------------------ From owner-seminar-12 Fri Mar 24 23:43:55 1995 From: "Brian Patton O'malley" Subject: Jennifer Harbury and the National Security aparatus Date: Fri, 24 Mar 1995 18:43:55 -0500 (EST) I thought that everyone might be interested in an article in Friday's News & Observer (and I'm sure other papers) about the disclosure of CIA information on involvement in Guatemala. I found it especially pertinent to our class that the article mentions power struggles between the Clinton administration and the CIA over the release of information. The headline is "How White House recieved papers with CIA link to Guatemala killings." Brian. --- from list --- ------------------ From owner-seminar-12 Mon Mar 27 00:59:56 1995 Date: Sun, 26 Mar 1995 19:59:56 -0500 (EST) From: Tracy Lynne Devine Subject: El Salvador (fwd) ---------- Forwarded message ---------- Date: Fri, 24 Mar 1995 13:14:14 -0500 (EST) From: Steve Stroman To: Tracy Devine Subject: El Salvador (fwd) Just discovered the entire US State Department's country-by-country 1994 human rights reports on an obscure nook of the peace net gopher, and thought you might find this of interest. ---------- Forwarded message ---------- Date: Fri, 24 Mar 1995 13:03:07 -0500 From: Steve Stroman To: Subject: El Salvador EL SALVADOR El Salvador is a constitutional, multiparty democracy with an executive branch headed by a President, a unicameral National Assembly, and a separate but politically appointed judiciary. Alfredo Cristiani of the Nationalist Republican Alliance (ARENA) was inaugurated President for a 5-year term on June 1, 1989. On January 16, 1992, the Government and the Frente Farabundo Marti para la Liberacion Nacional (FMLN) signed peace accords ending 11 years of civil war and providing for the reintegration of gover n ment and FMLN ex-combatants into national life. The ensuing peace process suffered some serious delays. Both parties were at times slow to implement some requirements of the accords, most of which applied to the Government, but compliance with most key elements was achieved by year's end. The Truth Commission, mandated by the peace accords to investigate serious human rights violations in the past decade, reported its findings on March 15. It recommended removal from government and military posts of those identified as human rights violat ors, as well as reforms of the Salvadoran armed forces (ESAF) and the judiciary. On March 20, however, the National Assembly approved amnesty from criminal prosecution for all those implicated in the Truth Commission report. Among those freed were the E S AF officers convicted in the 1989 Jesuit murders and the FMLN ex-combatants who were being held for the 1991 killings of two U.S. servicemen. In October the U.N. Secretary General reported that while some action had been taken to implement Truth Commissi on recommendations, much remained to be done. The peace accords also established an Ad Hoc Commission to evaluate the human rights record, professional competence, and commitment to democracy of the ESAF officer corps. On June 30, the last of 103 officers identified by this commission as responsible for human rights violations were removed from active duty in the ESAF, and they were formally retired at the end of December. In July the U.N. Observer Mission in El Salvador (ONUSAL) declared the Government in compliance with the Ad Hoc commission reco m mendations. Although ONUSAL certified the complete demobilization of the FMLN on December 14, 1992, large undeclared FMLN arms caches were discovered in El Salvador and neighboring countries during 1993. On June 11, the U.N. Security Council called the maintenance of these caches the most serious violation to date of the peace accords. A new inventory was conducted, and destruction of arms caches was completed on August 18, after which ONUSAL declared the FMLN military structure completely dismantled. Substantial progress was made on electoral registration in preparation for the March 1994 general election. The ESAF includes the army, air force and navy. In February the ESAF completed its downsizing as required under the peace accords, reducing its manpower from 62,000 to 31,000, and dismantling the last of its five elite rapid reaction battalions. Human rights training is now conducted annually for all enlisted soldiers and is an integral part of the curriculum at all professional development schools for officers. In March the new National Civilian Police (PNC) began replacing the old National Police (P N ) on a department-by-department schedule. At the end of the year, the new PNC was deployed in 7 of El Salvador's 14 departments, as well as in parts of the capital. In the fall, the National Assembly passed legislation integrating personnel of the Speci al Investigative Unit (SIU) and the Executive Anti-Narcotics Unit (UEA) into the PNC, although concerns over the qualifications of some UEA personnel caused ONUSAL to withhold its approval pending further review. The PN will be abolished once the PNC is f ully deployed. PNC personnel received human rights training at the new U.S.-supported police academy. El Salvador has a mixed economy largely based upon agriculture and light manufacturing. The Government maintained its commitment to free market reforms, including privatizing additional banks and hotels. People are free to pursue economic interests, and private property is respected. The 1993 rate of real economic growth was 5 percent. Progress on human rights was uneven in 1993. The greatest number of human rights complaints filed with ONUSAL were accusations against members of the PN; a much smaller number were filed against the ESAF. Institutional improvements continued in areas ma ndated by the peace accords, such as the training and partial deployment of the PNC, expansion of the Office of the Human Rights Ombudsman (PDDH), and the implementation of some judicial reforms. However, there remained an extremely high level of violenc e , particularly murder, assaults, and robberies, including crimes against children. The judicial system continued to be subject to political influence. The new amnesty law granted immunity to those who violated human rights during the years of civil stri fe. The number of murders, which had declined early in the year, started to climb in the summer. Allegations of politically motivated assassinations by death squads continued. ONUSAL and the SIU investigated murders that might have been politically motivate d. While there were no confirmed cases of politically motivated killings, investigations of a number of cases continued at the end of the year. Concern was sufficient, however, that, on December 8, the Government, in conjunction with the United Nations, formed a Joint Group with a 6-month mandate to investigate illegal armed groups and their possible involvement with political violence during the 2-year period since the signing of the peace accords. There was widespread abuse of women and children. RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS Section 1 Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom from: a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing The end of hostilities in El Salvador led to an immediate and significant reduction in extrajudicial killings, though there were a few unsubstantiated murder allegations directed against unspecified government forces and the FMLN. The Ministry of the Pre sidency's oversight of the PN and the progressive deployment of the PNC substantially increased government control over the public security forces; however, there was some resistance to civilian control among elements of the PN. Demilitarization of large numbers of ex-combatants, poor morale among the PN, the incomplete transition to the new PNC, and the large number of arms in circulation among the citizenry left the Government unable to prevent or control significant criminal activity by private armed i ndividuals or groups, some of whose actions may have been politically motivated. On May 20, a confrontation developed between PN riot police and demonstrators representing the "war wounded," including former ESAF and FMLN combatants, in San Salvador. Five policemen fired shots in the direction of the crowd and one of the protesters, Santos Martinez Perez, an FMLN ex-combatant, was killed in the only fatal government-FMLN incident since the formal cease-fire period began in February 1992. The judge investigating the case ordered the policeman who fired the fatal shot detained on a ch a rge of manslaughter, which the Attorney General's office sought to reduce to negligent homicide. Pending resolution of that issue, the PN refused to relinquish the accused to the judge in charge of the case, an example of PN resistance to civilian oversi ght. There were no confirmed cases of death squad killings in 1993, but some observers continued to ascribe certain suspicious deaths to death squads. ONUSAL stated that some of the criminal armed groups active in 1993 used methods similar to those of the 198 0's death squads, but stopped short of declaring that death squads still existed. Death threats remained a method of intimidation. PNC Academy Director Mario Bolanos received numerous anonymous death threats and had a bomb placed outside his office, whi c h may have been the work of rejected academy applicants. A group called "Angels of Death" was described by the press as administering "street justice" to delinquents. In September a group called the "Guardian Angels" threatened to assassinate judges and PN members who did not administer justice to criminals. Also in September, callers claiming to represent the National Lawyers Association and the Maximiliano Hernandez Martinez Brigade made death threats against Dr. Rene Madecadel Perla Jimenez, a profe s sor at the University of El Salvador and a member of the new National Council of the Judiciary (see Section 1.e.). The Maximiliano Hernandez Martinez Brigade threatened the family of Jose Maria Mendez, a prominent lawyer, in October and November. Others threatened included Dr. Juan Mateu Llort, Director of the Institute of Forensic Medicine; Unity Movement political candidates in Usulutan; and several prominent businessmen accused of financing death squads. Unknown persons threw an incendiary device in October and a grenade in December at Christian Democratic Party leader Arturo Argumedo's home. On October 25, Francisco Velis Castellanos, a leader of the Central American Workers' Revolutionary Party (PRTC) faction of the FMLN, was killed in San Salvador as he was delivering his 2-year-old daughter to a day-care center. Velis was shot in the head , and the assailants escaped in a waiting vehicle. The audacity of the crime, committed on a crowded downtown street, and the clean getaway, prompted speculation of a political motivation. A high-profile investigation, led by the SIU which was assisted b y observers from the Federal Bureau of Investigation, Scotland Yard, and the Spanish Police, continued at year's end. On October 30, a leader of the Renewed Expression of the People (ERP) faction of the FMLN, Heleno Hernan Castro Guevara, was killed on a highway in San Vicente department. Two other FMLN members were killed on October 27 in Guazapa, San Salvador departme nt. The four deaths in 5 days spawned a number of allegations of renewed death squad killings. Investigators concluded, however, that Castro was killed when an argument escalated following a car accident. The ERP concurred in this assessment. Police a r e looking for the murder suspect. On December 9, another FMLN/PRTC leader, Jose Mario Lopez, died from a gunshot wound in the leg in San Salvador. Eyewitnesses stated that he was shot by thugs when he attempted to stop a robbery. His bodyguard, however, who was also shot, later alleged that the assailants were really waiting for Lopez and that the attempted street robbery was a ruse. On December 10, Jose Guillermo Ventura, the brother of an FMLN local candidate, was killed when three gunmen attacked his brother's house. The SIU, ONUSAL, and the PDHH initiated investigations. On December 11, six Santa Ana area peasants who were walki ng to an Alcoholics Anonymous meeting were attacked and murdered by three assailants. Within hours, the PN had arrested two ESAF members and a third person for the killings. The victims had no apparent political affiliations. Earlier in the year, on February 13, Juan Carlos Garcia Panameno and Manuel de Jesus Panameno Garcia were murdered in Usulutan department. The two young men were associated with the FMLN-linked Monsignor Oscar Romero Committee of Mothers and Relatives of Political Prisoners, Disappeared, and Assassinated of El Salvador (COMADRES). Reports of death threats against one of the victims and his relatives lent initial credibility to COMADRES' allegations of military death squad involvement. A thorough invest i gation by the SIU, aided by cooperation from the victims' relatives in COMADRES, concluded that the murders were connected with a common robbery and not politically motivated. ONUSAL agreed with the SIU conclusion. A suspect was apprehended. On February 21, Freddy Fernando Torres Portillo, an FMLN municipal leader, was found dead in San Salvador from a gunshot wound to the head. Torres had earlier reported death threats to ONUSAL and was the fourth member of a labor or leftwing organization murdered in an 8-day span. For these reasons, ONUSAL and the PDDH expressed initial concern over possible political motives in all four killings. Later evidence indicated, however, that the Torres murder may have been the result of a common crime. An e x -PN member who was an acquaintance of the victim was apprehended and questioned but released. On August 19, a pair of gunmen killed a logistical operative, Oscar Grimaldi, from the Popular Forces of Liberation (FPL) faction of the FMLN. He was the second FPL logistical operative murdered within 2 months, which prompted accusations of death squad responsibility for both the Grimaldi and earlier killings. Others suggested that elements inside the FMLN had reason to silence both men for their knowledge about the FPL arms caches discovered in Nicaragua. The SIU identified both suspects and issued a r rest warrants, but the alleged triggerman, Salvador Guzman Perez, was killed the day after his arrest warrant was issued. The SIU is investigating the Guzman killing. The other suspect in the Grimaldi case was apprehended, and the SIU concluded that the murder was not political. ONUSAL, however, still considered a political motive possible. On December 29, a group of four assailants killed Ruben Eduardo Vanegas Escobar and his grandparents in Ochupse, Santa Ana department. The killers came to his house and asked for him by name. Vanegas was a member of the ERP and a local FMLN leader. The nature of the attack and the fact that nothing was taken from the house led ONUSAL to investigate the crime as a possible political killing. Earlier in the year, on January 5, the badly beaten body of Supreme Court employee Adelmo Lemus was found in San Salvador. Lemus had worked for former Supreme Court president Francisco "Chachi" Guerrero, who was murdered in 1989. ONUSAL initiated an inv estigation to determine whether Lemus was killed in a common crime arising from an unresolved financial transaction or because he may have spoken to the Truth Commission about Guerrero's assassination. The case had not been resolved at year's end. There were several murders of persons with ties to the ARENA party that government investigators concluded were the result of common crime. These include the murders of Sebastian Araniva in San Miguel, Celestino Antonio Cerna Linares and Elisandro Eusebi o Cerritos Duarte in Santa Ana department, and Melvin Alexis Garcia Urbina in Morazan department. PN agents Jose Luis Chicas and Jose Alfredo Bonilla Cruz and ESAF Lieutenant Jose Francisco Rodriguez Melendez were brutally murdered in San Salvador, but g o vernment investigators concludedthat common crime was the motive. On December 10, PN agent Pedro Vasquez Ramos and his brother, Rudy Oswaldo Vasquez Ramos, were kidnaped in Cuscatlan department. Their bodies were later found in a ravine with hands and feet bound and shot in the head. Bodily bruises and broken bones su ggested the possibility of torture. The PN, ONUSAL, and the PDDH initiated investigations. A previously unknown group, the Salvadoran Revolutionary Front (FRS), threatened retaliation for the May 20 war wounded shootings by the government riot police, and claimed responsibility for the murders of an ESAF captain and two PN policemen the followi ng day. Most observers believe that the FRS simply claimed responsibility for the murders to enhance its credibility. The FRS issued sporadic threats throughout the remainder of the year, including those against U.S. military civic action deployment and against high-ranking ESAF officers, but none was carried out. On May 21, the day following the war wounded demonstration, ESAF Captain Juan Hernandez Mejia was killed on a highway near Guazapa by four armed men, dressed as members of the PN, who stopped his vehicle. When Hernandez called for help, two legitimate po licemen who responded were also killed. Despite the FRS claim of responsibility for the murders, ONUSAL determined that the killings were the result of a highway robbery committed by a band of heavily armed renegade ex-FMLN and former ESAF members operat i ng near Guazapa. There was some progress in resolving outstanding incidents of human rights abuse from earlier years. In January the report of an international forensic team investigating the 1981 El Mozote massacre confirmed that a mass murder had occurred. The team id entified the skeletal remains of 143 people, including 136 children and adolescents, and found that at least 24 individual firearms had been used in the massacre. The evidence clearly showed that the ESAF was responsible. Three persons were arrested for the 1992 murder of Dr. Jose Mauricio Quintana Abrego, an ex-FMLN supporter who had become an ARENA party member. ONUSAL considered this a possible political crime. The Truth Commission, in its report issued March 15, identified the Government or its agents as responsible for extrajudicial killings in the cases of Monsignor Romero (1980), the Rio Sumpul massacre (1980), the leaders of the Revolutionary Democratic Fro nt (1980), the American nuns (1980), the El Mozote massacre (1981), the Dutch journalists (1982), the San Sebastian massacre (1988), the Jesuit priests (1989), and 14 other cases that were examined in detail. The Commission charged the ESAF, National Gua r d, and other security forces of the Government with direct responsibility for the great majority of the 817 instances of alleged death squad kidnapings,disappearances, and killings it investigated that occurred from 1980 to 1991. The Truth Commission found the FMLN responsible for the assassinations of 11 mayors and numerous judges from 1985 to 1988. It also found the FMLN responsible for extrajudicial killings in the cases of the Zona Rosa massacre (1985), Anaya Sanabria (1987), Romero Garcia, also known as "Miguel Castellanos" (1989), Peccorini Lettona (1989), Garcia Alvarado (1989), Guerrero (1989), and the two U.S. servicemen killed in 1991 after their helicopter was downed by the FMLN. In the last case, on May 24 a judge ru l ed that the accused, Ferman Hernandez Arevalo and Severiano Fuentes Fuentes, were covered by the general amnesty law. The San Miguel appeals court upheld that decision, but both rulings were appealed to the Supreme Court on the grounds that the crimes we re common crimes not covered by the amnesty law. The Truth Commission recommended that all persons named in its report as human rights violators be removed from their positionsin the security forces or the Government and be barred from public office for 10 years. However, the National Commission for th e Consolidation of Peace (COPAZ), composed of representatives from across the political spectrum, opposed the ban on public office as an unconstitutional deprivation of citizens' rights and as antithetical to national reconciliation,and requested the U.N. Secretary General not to support it. The Truth Commission sharply criticized the judicial system for complicity in covering up or ignoring human rights abuses and called for the resignation of all the Supreme Court magistrates,most notably the Supreme Co urt president, Mauricio Gutierrez Castro, for unprofessional conduct. The magistrates refused to resign before the June 1994 expiration of their current terms. The Truth Commission also recommended significant reforms of the ESAF and the judiciary. In September the United Nations expressed satisfaction with the Government's progress in complying with the reforms of the ESAF. Many of the key judicial reforms re commended by the Commission are in some stage of implementation. Others, however, conflict with the Constitution; amendments require approval by two successive National Assemblies. The President sent some of the recommended constitutional reforms withou t endorsement to the National Assembly, which did not act on them in 1993. The 1993 amnesty law was passed by the National Assembly on March 20, only 5 days following release of the Truth Commission report. It granted amnesty to those convicted or accused of political and related common crimes during the conflict, including tho se named in the Truth Commission report, and effectively ended further investigation into most human rights abuses committed during the war years. The governing ARENA party and its allies, the National Conciliation Party (PCN) and the Authentic Christian Movement (MAC), pushed the amnesty law through the National Assembly in a 47 to 8 vote with 13 abstentions. Hasty passage of this law by the progovernment parties prompted heavy criticism from local human rights and opposition groups as well as from inte rnational organizations and foreign governments. The Ad Hoc Commission established to evaluate the human rights record, professional competence, and commitment to democracy of the ESAF officer corps presented its confidential findings, identifying 103 officers as responsible for human rights violations, to President Cristiani and U.N. Secretary General Boutros Ghali on September 22, 1992. The Government failed to meet the initial November 1992 deadline for implementing the commission's recommendations, but the last of the officers were removed from act i ve duty on June 30, 1993, and all were officially separated by December 31. In July ONUSAL declared the Government in compliance with the Ad Hoc Commission's recommendations. b. Disappearance The Constitution forbids unacknowledged detention by the security forces or the military. There were some unconfirmed allegations of abductions by unspecified government forces, as well as by the FMLN, during 1993. A significant number of disappearances during the war years remained unresolved, and the new amnesty law meant that none of them was likely to be reopened. On May 22, Gregorio Mejia Espinosa, a minor official in one of the parties belonging to the Democratic Convergence coalition, was kidnaped as he went to catch a bus in San Salvador. The armed kidnapers bound him and covered his head, transported him to a secured room, and questioned him about his party's activities and about student unrest following the May 20 war wounded shootings. During the questioning, Mejia was burned numerous times on his chest, perhaps with a soldering device. He and another cap t ive were then taken to an isolated area where one of the kidnapers held a pistol to Mejia's head. When the gun failed to discharge, Mejia made his escape down a nearby ravine in a heavy rain. Mejia had been threatened previously by a group called N-ESA (New Salvadoran Anti-Communist Army). Both ONUSAL and the PDDH considered this kidnaping to have a possible political motive. No suspects have been identified in the case. c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment Torture is prohibited by the Constitution, but abuse and mistreatment of detainees continued, even though confirmed reports of torture by the public security forces were fewer than in the past. From January to October, ONUSAL's human rights division conf irmed six reports of torture, one by the ESAF, two by the PN, one by an ex-PN member of the PNC, one by Mariona prison guards, and the unknown perpetrators of the Mejia kidnaping case described above. Prison conditions remained bleak, with overcrowding the most significant problem. The largest prison, built 20 years ago to hold 800 prisoners, holds 2,200. At the beginning of the civil war in 1980, 3,000 prisoners were distributed in 30 penal centers; 14 facilities now hold 5,500 prisoners. Most cells are 15 by 20 feet, and some hold as many as 24 prisoners. Because of the overcrowding, some prisoners must sleep on the floor or "buy" a bed when one becomes available. Prisoners are fed, but most fin d it necessary to supplement their rations with help from family. On November 17, 27 prisoners died in a riot at the San FranciscoGotera high-security prison. The most violent inmates in the national prison system are concentrated in this prison which, though built to house 160 inmates, actually holds over 300. The ri ot was reportedly the result of cell block rivalries and all the deaths were caused by actions of the prisoners, including a fire that was set during the riot. The security forces and the ESAF gained control of the situation in about 5 hours but were cri t icized for not acting faster. In January a penitentiary training school was established to provide 1 month of training to all prison guards and officers on an annual basis, and guards must now have a ninth-grade education. These steps and the introduction of a case-tracking system re sulted in some improvement in the treatment of prisoners. Some training and work opportunities are available, Spartan health care is provided, and conjugal visits are allowed. The women's prison and the juvenile detention center are less crowded, and co n ditions are somewhat better. d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile Arbitrary arrest and detention is prohibited by the Constitution, and its incidence declined, due largely to enactment of the 1992 Public Defender Law. ONUSAL received 275 complaints of arbitrary or unlawful detention by the security forces from January through October, a reduction from previous years. The PN frequently arrested people illegally without a warrant when police had only a suspicion of a crime. In September the President of the Supreme Court publicly suggested that, to control rising crimi n al activity, the police should enforce a previously unused "law of dangerous state," under which they may detain anyone who appeared dangerous, even though no crime had been committed. In the wake of this announcement, ONUSAL's police division received s ome complaints indicating that the law was being sporadically implemented. The police may hold a person for 72 hours before presenting him to court. The practice of obtaining forced confessions during this 72-hour period was reduced through enforcement of the Public Defender Law, which guarantees counsel to indigent defendants from the moment of detention. Public defenders are now regularly called by the police to provide representation to detained suspects. From March 1992 to February 1993, public defenders freed from incarceration approximately 50 percent of their clients. There is still a large backlog of detainees in the prison system, however, and approximately 88 percent of all inmates were awaiting trial or sentencing. The public defender's office tripled in size over the last 2 years, but there still was an inadequate number of public defenders. The courts have generally enforced a ruling that nighttime questioning without the presence of a public defender is consider ed coercion and any evidence so obtained is inadmissible. Questioning now is routinely delayed until morning and the arrival of the public defender. When the detainee is delivered to the court, the judge may order detention for an additional 72 hours to determine if the evidence warrants holding the accused for further investigation.The judge is then allowed 120 days to investigate serious crimes, or 45 days for lesser offenses, before bringing the accused to trial or dismissing the case. In practice, these time limits were rarely observed, but a new law to become effective in 1994 would impose fines against lower court judges who fail to comply with time restrictions as a result of negligence. Although the law permits release pending trial for crimes in which the maximum penalty does not exceed 3 years, many common crimes (against property, homicide, murder, manslaughter, and rape) carry penalties in excess of 3 years, thereby precluding releas e pending trial. Because defendants are imprisoned from the moment they are apprehended, and the judicial process can take several years, some have been incarcerated longer than the maximum possible sentence. Any detained person may request a review (ha b eas corpus) by the Supreme Court, but the request must be in writing, and the petitioner has neither access to the court nor any guarantee that the petition will be reviewed.The overwhelming majority of such requests are denied. Salvadoran law does not allow compulsory exile. e. Denial of Fair Public Trial The judiciary is only nominally independent and has been severely weakened by political pressures. People who are well-connected politically, economically, or institutionally, generally enjoy immunity from prosecution. Political affiliation and personal ties, rather than professional capabilities, appear to have been the traditional criteria used to appoint and reappoint judges. The court structure is divided into four levels: justices of the peace, courts of the first instance, courts of the second instance (appeals courts), and the Supreme Court. Civilian courts exercise jurisdiction over military personnel who commit common (nonmilitary) crimes. Jury verdicts can be neither overruled by a judge nor appealed to a higher court. Sentences,however, may be appealed up to the Supreme Court. Under the Constitution, defendants have the right to a presumption of innocence; protect i on from self-incrimination; legal counsel; freedom from coercion; be present in court; the opportunity to confront witnesses; and compensation for damages due to judicial error. Most of these rights, however, are frequently ignored in practice. Some progress was made in addressing problems in the judiciary, improving the administrative functions of the courts, updating the legal codes, and improving the overall professionalism of the system. The 11 members of the National Council of the Judicia ry (NCJ), the newly independent body that screens and nominates judicial candidates, are now appointed by the National Assembly rather than by the Supreme Court. Four are selected from a list of nominations made by the Supreme Court. In August the NCJ b e gan screening and nominating judicial candidates, as well as evaluating sitting judges. The NCJ also has responsibility for the judicial training school, formerly under the Supreme Court. Nevertheless, there was still a troublesome overconcentration of administrative power in the Supreme Court, which controls the licensing of all attorneys, disciplinary action against attorneys and judges, and the removal of judges. Two reforms were enacted that should eliminate significant delays and grant greater autonomy to the lower courts. One repealed the requirement that all lower court decisions concerning offenses with a potential sentence of more than 3 years (80 percent o f all cases) be approved by a higher level court. The other provided that the judge responsible for investigating whether there is sufficient evidence to bring the accused to trial will no longer be the same judge who presides over the trial. All available evidence indicates that the Government holds no political prisoners. f. Arbitrary Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence According to the Constitution, the police must have the resident's consent, a warrant, or a reasonable belief that a crime is being or is about to be committed, before entering a private dwelling. In practice, forced entry without a warrant was frequentl y used to carry out arrests and investigations. Wiretapping of telephone communications by the Government, private persons, and political parties is illegal but commonly occurred. Section 2 Respect for Civil Liberties, Including: a. Freedom of Speech and Press Freedom of the press is provided for by the Constitution, and respected in practice. There was only one reported incident of violence directed at the press in 1993, a significant improvement over previous years. On November 1, 30 FMLN members staged a h alf-hour demonstration outside the conservative Diario de Hoy newspaper, protesting an editorial that suggested the murders of FMLN leaders were the product of internal purges. The demonstrators burned tires and an effigy of the paper's owner. During th e year, the FRS threatened some radio and television stations with retaliation if they did not broadcast its communiques, but despite the refusal of some stations to comply, the threats were not carried out. El Salvador has 5 daily newspapers, 8 television stations, approximately 150 radio stations, and 3 cable television systems. The Government operates one television station and one radio station; the FMLN was allocated a VHF television frequency in Septem ber. Both the Catholic Church and the ESAF have radio stations; the FMLN operates two broadband and several shortwave radio stations. Print and broadcast journalists from across a wide political spectrum regularly criticize the Government and report opp o sition views, although reporting by the predominantly conservative media tends to support the Government. The Government did not use direct or indirect means to control the media. However, most media owners are highly successful businessmen, and the rep orted news often reflects market pressures and advertisers' interests. Academic freedom is provided for by the Constitution and is respected in practice. University autonomy prohibits law enforcement officials from entering public campuses, and this also was respected in 1993. b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association Any association not formed for criminal purposes is legal and permitted. Numerous political, professional, religious, labor, and social organizations, including those allied with the FMLN, operate without legal restriction. Organizations in general enco unter bureaucratic delays when applying for legal recognition, but this did not appear directed at any one group. Since the signing of the peace accords, FMLN members and others on the left held or freely participated in open forums and political rallies throughout the country. Contentious political issues were regularly the subject of seminars, conferences, and media discussions. c. Freedom of Religion Freedom of religion is guaranteed by the Constitution and is respected. Roman Catholicism is the official religion and practiced by approximately 75 percent of the population, but other faiths, mostly evangelical Protestantism, have grown rapidly in popu larity. These groups practice without hindrance. d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Repatriation The Constitution establishes the right of free movement. Article 97 states that foreigners may not involve themselves in the internal political affairs of the country, and the Government reserves the right to deny entry to, or deport, foreigners believed to violate that section of the law. Freedom of movement throughout the country is permitted by the Government. There are no restrictions on citizens changing their residence or workplace. A major effort by the Government to issue or replace citizen do c umentation in the 115 municipalities affected by the armed conflict continued in 1993. The Government has provisions for granting asylum and refugee status. Since the end of the regional conflicts in Central America, the number of refugees in El Salvador has declined to very few. The Government imposes no control on emigration and coopera tes with international organizations that arrange Salvadoran emigration to other countries. Section 3 Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Government The Salvadoran people exercise the right to change their government peacefully through regularly scheduled elections. Past elections have been judged free and fair, notwithstanding the climate of fear and violence perpetrated by both government and rebel forces during the civil war. The President and Vice President are elected every 5 years. Legislative and municipal elections are held every 3 years. Elections for all national and local offices will be held in March 1994, and ONUSAL has been invited t o certify them. It established an electoral division in June to oversee the electoral process. Various other nongovernmental organizations (NGO's) are also expected to observe the elections. The President is constitutionally barred from reelection to a second consecutive term. Voting is by secret ballot, and there is universal suffrage. The last 11 mayors elected in 1991, whom the FMLN had prevented from assuming their offices in the former conflict areas, returned to their municipalities by February, and local governmental functions in these areas began to return to normal. The field of political parties continued to expand in 1993. The FMLN, inscribed as a political party in December 1992, announced its political candidates and began campaigning for the 1994 general elections. The Supreme Electoral Tribunal (TSE) approved the Unity Movement and the Free People's Party as new political parties, bringing to 10 the total number of duly registered parties. The TSE organized a massive campaign to reach the 750,000 eligible voters without voter cards by November, focusing on t h e underrepresented, primarily youth and women; the latter totaled 60 percent of citizens without voter cards, according to the TSE. To encourage registration further, the National Assembly passed a law in September making the voter registration card a re quired document for identification purposes as of March 1, 1994. The registration drive, completed November 20, was successful, though applications were still being processed at the end of the year. It is estimated that at least 85 percent of eligible v o ters will be able to vote in the March election. The number of women in politics is small but growing. A Vice President of the National Assembly is a woman, as are 7 other Assembly Deputies, out of 84. Three Cabinet Ministers are female, as are 33 of 262 mayors. Section 4 Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental Investigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights A number of nongovernmental human rights organizations, including the Catholic Church's Tutela Legal and the Human Rights Commission (CDHES), operated actively without government interference. Frequently echoing FMLN positions, the CDHES focuses primaril y on alleged abuses by the Government. The CDHES also follows cases through the investigation and trial stages, provides free legal assistance, and publishes monthly reports. Tutela Legal, the human rights office of the Archdiocese of San Salvador, also focuses on allegations of government abuses, follows cases, and publishes periodic reports. Numerous other church, labor, and university groups and NGO's have human rights offices that operate without legal restriction. In addition, various internationa l human rights groups visit or operate without government restrictions. The first Human Rights Ombudsman was elected by the National Assembly in 1992. As the only human rights organization specifically established by the Constitution, the Ombudsman's Office (PDDH) is charged with receiving allegations of human rights abuses committed by government officials, investigating them and, if warranted, lodging official complaints against specific officials. The PDDH supplanted the Human Rights Commission (CDH) as the officially mandated human rights monitoring organization. The United Nations Observer Mission (ONUSAL) is mandated to verify and monitor implementation of agreements between the Government and the FMLN, to investigate alleged human rights violations, and to conduct educational and public awareness campaigns prom oting human rights. It makes recommendations to the Government and the FMLN and also reports directly to the U.N. Secretary General. In its July report, ONUSAL found that the overall human rights situation continued to improve, but noted continued human rights abuses and a serious problem with common crime. Its October report noted concern over a serious regression in the human rights situation, most notably the increase in extrajudicial killings of political leaders and the generally rising crime rate. On the positive side, ONUSAL praised the continuing progress in implementing institutional changes to protect human rights, and the absence of any verifiable cases of disappearances in 1993. The PDDH began investigating reports of human rights abuses in July 1992. As of June 1993, the PDDH had received over 2,000 reports, and it opened regional offices in Santa Ana, San Miguel, and San Vicente. The number of reports received monthly jumped to 300 in July and over 400 in August. The PDDH budget for 1994, approximately $2.5 million, is double 1993's budget but still inadequate to duplicate ONUSAL's human rights monitoring operation when it terminates its mission in 1994. ONUSAL has praised t he progress made by the PDDH since its inception, but some human rights groups have expressed concerns about the PDDH's capabilities. The PDDH should gain both experience and stature in 1994 through the involvement of its director as part of the Joint Gr oup established on December 8 to investigate possible political violence since the peace accords. The PDDH lodged public complaints of human rights abuses against various government agencies, most frequently the PN and the judiciary, and in numerous cases made specific recommendations for improvements in procedures and even for indemnification of vict ims. Some of the PDDH's complaints and recommendations were ignored. The PDDH publicly criticized the chief of the PN Fifth Command in San Miguel for refusing to cooperate with judicial investigations of human rights abuses. The PDDH said, however, tha t a number of institutions did act on its recommendations in a satisfactory manner. The Executive Anti-Narcotics Unit, for example, agreed to obtain judicial search warrants prior to entry. The PN antiriot unit agreed not to use war weapons to control de monstrations. Other institutions, including the San Salvador municipal police and the ESAF 2nd infantry brigade, took corrective actions following violations of administrative due process. Section 5 Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or Social Status The Constitution states that all people are equal before the law and prohibits discrimination based on nationality, race, sex, or religion. Women Women are granted the same legal rights as men under the Constitution, but suffer discrimination in practice. To improve the situation of women and children, the National Assembly passed a new Family Code in October. The new Code updates some laws that discriminated against women and children, most notably those living in informal unions. Spousal rights are granted to those who can prove that they lived together as a couple for at least 3 years, a status similar to common law marriage, significant beca u se a large percentage of couples never officially marry. Women also suffer from economic discrimination and do not have equal access to credit and land ownership. Wages paid to professional women remain lower than those paid to men in the same profession, and women in nonprofessional jobs are generally also pa id less than similarly qualified men. Sixty-five percent of the economically active female population work in the informal economy. Training geared to females tends to focus on areas where they are already employed and on generally low-income occupation s : teaching, nursing, home industries, or small businesses. Violence against women, including domestic violence, is widespread. The Isidro Menendez Judicial Center received 564 reports of sexual violence against women in 1992, and it estimates that only 5 percent of total cases were reported. Hospitals reported a monthly average of 56 rapes in the capital city of San Salvador from January to September, while the police received only three reports per month in the same period. To increase reporting of rapes, victims have been encouraged, through a regular newspa p er campaign by the Attorney General's office, to come forward and press charges immediately after the assault has occurred. Since 1991 a public prosecutor has been on duty 24 hours a day at the San Salvador children's hospital to assist rape victims and their families in taking legal action. Nevertheless, prosecution of rape cases is difficult because of pervasive cultural attitudes. There are over 100 women's organizations to assist low-income women, and women's issues have been raised in the 1994 election campaign. Major concerns for women's rights groups are equal rights, unemployment, access to credit and skills training, illiter acy, health services, family planning, child care, and violence against women. Children The Government recognizes its responsibility for children's rights and welfare, though this is reflected more in its efforts to reduce poverty and promote family stability through economic growth than in direct expenditure on children. The 1994 governmen t budget for the Institute for the Protection of Children is $4.6 million, a 57-percent increase over 1993. Given the magnitude of children's health and welfare problems, the increased spending levels are still insufficient. In the context of total reso u rces available to the Government, however, expenditures are substantial. In addition, $41 million in Salvadoran debt payments over the next 20 years will be placed in an account to fund child survival and environmental programs. The new Family Code updates laws dealing with children, gives equal rights to children born out of wedlock, and tightens adoption procedures. Sexual abuse of children is another problem receiving growing attention. The San Salvador children's hospital t reated between four and five cases per day of sexually abused children in 1993. Child malnutrition and the large numbers of orphans are also significant problems. Indigenous People El Salvador is an ethnically homogeneous country, though a small segment of the population claims to have descended solely from indigenous peoples. The last census of Indians in El Salvador showed 80,000 in 1930, or 5.6 percent of the population. In 193 2 approximately 30,000 were killed by government forces following an abortive uprising. In the face of such repression, most remaining indigenous people adopted local customs and successfully assimilated into the general population. There remain a few v e ry small communities of indigenous people who still wear traditional dress, speak their native language, and maintain traditional customs without repression or interference. The Salvadoran National Indigenous Association (ANIS), headquartered in Sonsonat e, promotes indigenous culture and language. The civil and political rights of indigenous people and their ability to participate in decisions affecting their lands, traditions, and allocation of natural resources are protected and respected by the Gover n ment to the same extent as other Salvadorans of comparable socioeconomic status. People with Disabilities Except for the war wounded, who have secured both government and international funding for rehabilitation and retraining programs, the Government has no program to combat discrimination against the disabled, nor are there any laws mandating provision of a ccess for people with disabilities. Section 6 Worker Rights a. The Right of Association The 1983 Constitution prohibits the Government from using nationality, race, sex, creed, or political philosophy to prevent workers or employers from organizing themselves into unions or associations. Full realization of the freedom of association called for in the Constitution has been impeded by numerous and sometimes conflicting laws governing labor relations; the current Labor Code prohibits partisan political activity by unions. This prohibition is routinely ignored; eight labor leaders currently s e rve in the National Assembly, and labor continued to play an important role in partisan activities. In the 1992 peace accords, the Government committed itself to seek consensus on revised labor legislation through a socioeconomic forum with equal representation from labor (including groups aligned with the FMLN), government, and the private sector. Dur ing 1993, labor, the private sector, and the Government moved haltingly toward producing a revised Labor Code. In August the forum sectors signed a tripartite agreement on approval of certain International Labor Organization (ILO) conventions, granting l e gal status to labor unions and associations and establishing a framework to govern labor relations. ILO technical experts informally assisted the parties to review international labor conventions, and the forum submitted 11 to the Assembly for ratificati on. The ILO also reviewed and made recommendations for reforming the existing Labor Code and other labor legislation, including the Organic Law for the Ministry of Labor. The ILO recommended 49 changes to the Labor Code. Although the socioeconomic forum discussed these recommendations through early December, it was unable to agree on a draft to submit to the Assembly. The Government then submitted its own version of the ILO recommendations to the Assembly, based on what it believed to be fair compromises between positions held by labor and business in the forum talks. The ILO reviewed the Government's version and reported that there were no significantchanges from its o r iginal recommendations. The legislation is scheduled to be debated and voted on in early 1994. Most importantly, the proposed changes would streamline the process required to form a union; extend union rights to agricultural, independent, and small-busi ness workers; and extend the right to strike to union federations (at the present time only unions, not union federations, have the right to call a strike). The Government has not sought ratification of ILO conventions on freedom of association because t h is would require changes in the Constitution. There are approximately 150 active unions, public employee associations, and peasant organizations, which represent over 300,000 Salvadorans, approximately 20 percent of the total work force. Unions are not under pressure to affiliate with the Government or other political forces; nevertheless, many labor organizations have close ties to various political groups. Labor alliances change frequently, but the Intergremial, an umbrella organization including most major labor organizations, continued to enjoy the prominence it gained with the 1991 presentation of a draft labor code and labor's participation in the forum. The current Labor Code forbids foreigners from holding leadership positions in unions, but unions freely affiliate with international labor organizations. Only private sector nonagricultural workers have the right to form unions and strike; employees of nine autonomous public agencies may form unions but not strike. Nevertheless, workers from other sectors, including the public sector, have carried out str ikes that, while technically illegal, were treated as legitimate. Even in sectors where the right to strike exists, strikes are sometimes technically illegal as labor and management often ignore the onerous and time-consuming legal requirements to settle labor disputes. Public sector strikes, though illegal, are frequent and are generally settled through negotiations between public employee associations and the Government. Mandatory arbitration of public sector disputes is provided for under the Labor C ode. Proposed changes to the Labor Code would give the right to form unions and strike to all private sector workers and streamline legal requirements. In August members of the public health workers' union began a strike to demand a salary increase, a designated hospital for their use and that of their family members, and improved hospital conditions. Pointing to the public sector status of the union's members, the Government refused to meet the strikers' demands and fired a number of them. After nearly a month, the Government and most of the organizations backing the strike reached a compromise agreement; the Government agreed to reinstate fired worke r s, drop legal proceedings against them, and consider a salary raise. There were credible reports, however, that the Government failed to reinstate all fired workers to their previously held positions and pay, that some striking employees lost their senio rity, and that legal proceedings continued against some of the union officials. Antiunion actions before a union is legally registered are prohibited; however, in practice, there are credible charges that the Government impeded union registration through exacting reviews of union documentation and strict interpretation of the Constit ution, Labor Code, and union statutes. Under the February "Agreement on Principles and Commitments," signed by government, labor, and private sector representatives, the Government agreed to review previously denied applications for legal status among bo t h private sector unions and agricultural and public sector associations. The Minister of Labor, whom labor had accused in 1992 of conspiring with management to frustrate union registration by informing management of potential legal challenges to a regist ration application, was replaced in 1993. The International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU) alleged in 1993 that signing the peace accords had not succeeded in checking the abuse of trade union rights, citing reports from its affiliate, FENASTRAS, of the killing of 20 trade unionists i n 1992, many by death squads; other instances of death threats against trade union leaders and instances of abductions; continued denial by the Government of the registration of a union at the ADOC shoe factory; and other incidents involving antiunion dis c rimination and the firing of workers for trade union activities. In a report released in November, however, an ILO direct contact mission stated that no persons were being detained for trade union activities, that there had been no further searches of tr ade union premises, and that violence against trade unionists had declined substantiallyin the previous year. b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively The right of collective bargaining is granted in both the Constitution and the existing Labor Code, but public sector employees are not covered in either. The Labor Code grants this right only to employees in the private sector and in autonomous agencies of the Government, such as utilities and the port authority. However, both private sector unions (by law) and public sector employee associations (in practice) use the mechanism of collective bargaining extensively. Labor Code protection for agricultur a l workers, now inadequate, would be expanded by proposed Labor Code reforms. The Ministry of Labor is responsible for overseeing the implementation of collective bargaining agreements and acting as conciliator in labor disputes in the private sector and autonomous government institutions. In practice, government ministers and the heads of autonomous government institutions often negotiate with labor organizations directly, relying on the Labor Ministry only for such duties as officially certifying unions. The Ministry of Labor often seeks to conciliate labor disputes through inf o rmal channels rather than attempting strictly to enforce regulations, leading to charges of bias against labor. Corruption continues to be another serious problem affecting labor courts. The Constitution prohibits discrimination against unions. It provides that union officials at the time of their election, throughout their term, and for 1 year following their term shall not be fired, suspended for disciplinary reasons, removed, or demo ted except for legal cause. This provision is generally observed in practice, but in some cases those attempting to form unions have been fired before receiving union credentials. Employers are required to rehire employees fired for any type of union ac t ivity, though this requirement is sometimes not enforced. There are four functioning export processing zones (EPZ's) and two more under construction. Labor regulations in these zones are identical to those throughout the country. Companies operating in the EPZ's, while providing higher salaries and benefits th an companies outside the EPZ's, strongly discourage organizing and in some cases have fired workers attempting to organize. The ICFTU's allegation that "all attempts to form trade unions in free trade zones have led to the dismissal of the workers concer n ed," is too broad, but the point that unionization efforts encounter strong resistance in the EPZ's is valid. c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor The Constitution prohibits forced or compulsory labor except in the case of calamity and other instances specified by law. This provision is followed in practice. The ILO Committee of Experts continued to criticize provisions in the Penal Code which all ow the imposition of penalties involving compulsory labor against companies for activities related to the expression of political opinion. d. Minimum Age for Employment of Children The Constitution prohibits the employment of children under the age of 14. Exceptions may be made only where such employment is absolutely indispensable to the sustenance of the minor and his family, most often the case with children of peasant families who traditionally work with their families during planting and harvesting seasons. Children also frequently work as vendors and general laborers in small businesses, especially in the informal sector. Parents of children in circumstances such as these o f ten do not allow their children to complete schooling through the ninth grade as the law requires, since the labor which the children perform is considered vital to the family. Child labor is not a problem in the industrial sector. The Ministry of Labor is responsible for enforcing child labor laws. e. Acceptable Conditions of Work In January the Government passed legislation raising the minimum wages for commercial, industrial, service, and agroindustrial employees; over the course of the year the Government increased the minimum wage on two occasions by a total of 22 percent. The new rate for industrial and service workers was about $3.50 (31 colones) per day; agricultural workers must be paid about $2.35 (20 colones) in wages, including a food allowance, per day. Despite these increases, minimum wages are generally inadequate t o meet the Ministry of Economy's standard of basic necessity. An estimated 40 percent of the population lives below the poverty level. The Labor Ministry is responsible for enforcing minimum wage laws and does so effectively in the formal sector. Accura te statistics are not available for the large informal sector. The law limits the workday to 6 hours for minors between 14 and 18 years of age and 8 hours for adults. Premium pay is mandated for longer hours. The Labor Code sets a maximum normal workweek of 44 hours, requiring overtime pay for additional work and l imiting the workweek to no more than 6 days. The Constitution and the Labor Code require employers, includingthe Government, to take steps to ensure that employees are not placed at risk in their workplaces, and prohibit the employment of persons under 18 years of age and all women in occupations co nsidered hazardous. Nevertheless, Salvadoran health and safety regulations are outdated, and inadequate enforcement remains a problem. The Ministry of Labor attempts to enforce the applicable regulations and conducts investigations which sometimes lead t o fines or other findings favoring workers. The Ministry has very limited powers to enforce compliance, however, and has suffered severe cutbacks in human resources to carry out certification and inspection duties, which severely limited its effectivenes s. --- from list --- ------------------ From owner-seminar-12 Mon Mar 27 18:27:17 1995 Date: Mon, 27 Mar 1995 13:27:17 -0500 (EST) From: Jon Beasley-Murray Subject: PNS:Chiapas: Echos of Salvador, Guatemala (fwd) Interesting, I think. Jon Beasley-Murray ---------- Forwarded message ---------- Date: Mon, 27 Mar 95 12:10:05 CST From: Harry M. Cleaver To: Jon Beasley-Murray Subject: PNS:Chiapas: Echos of Salvador, Guatemala This posting has been forwarded to you as a service of the Austin Comite de Solidaridad con Chiapas y Mexico. ---------- Forwarded message ---------- Date: Mon, 27 Mar 1995 11:36:13 -0500 (EST) From: Milt Shapiro To: Chiapas-l Subject: Mexico's Other Crisis: Echos of Salvador, Guatemala COPYRIGHT PACIFIC NEWS SERVICE 450 Mission Street, Room 506 San Francisco, CA 94105 415-243-4364 MEXICO'S OTHER CRISIS: CHIAPAS RESEMBLES GUATEMALA AND EL SALVADOR A DECADE AGO EDITOR'S NOTE: The 15-month old Zapatista uprising in Mexico's poorest state has turned into a see-saw conflict between rebels and army, punctuated by intermittent peace talks. On the ground, distrust is deepening among the civilian population, eliminating any neutral ground that remains. PNS Central America editor Mary Jo McConahay, who covered El Salvador and Guatemala's civil wars for over a decade, says the mood in Chiapas is reminiscent of both countries a decade ago. BY MARY JO MCCONAHAY, PACIFIC NEWS SERVICE ALTAMIRANO, CHIAPAS -- The mood of distrust and polarization that now permeates this poorest state of Mexico is startlingly reminiscent of neighboring Guatemala and El Salvador at the start of their civil wars. Fears that a similar war could finally emerge from the Zapatista uprising loom over President Zedillo's efforts to resolve Mexico's worst political and financial crisis in half a century. Like other towns on the front line of the 15 month-long uprising, the tidy, mostly Mayan Indian community of Altamirano is now occupied by jeeps and tanks of the Mexican army. A banner draped above the entrance to the public library announces military "social activities" aimed at winning local hearts and minds. Jumpy residents check their backs to see who is listening before they speak. Many have relatives who abandoned remote settlements last month during an army offensive and now hide out in the Zapatista-controlled jungle base just beyond the nearby ridge. The San Carlos hospital on Altamirano's main street, run by Mexican Catholic nuns, typifies how the see-saw conflict between rebels and army, with its off-and-on-again peace talks, is slowly consuming whatever neutral ground remains among civilians. Catering to Indian peasants makes the nuns instant rebel sympathizers in the eyes of local ranchers who have threatened to burn the hospital down. "Those beyond the ridge are suffering from a plague of illnesses and fears," frets administrator Patricia Moysen. But when health aides venture into the countryside to tend the sick, they're harassed and intimidated by soldiers at roadblocks who take their pictures for army files. "Some ranchers tell us face to face we'll be killed," says an elderly nurse. For 21 years, Jorge Santiago Santiago has run a non-governmental agency helping peasants, called by its Spanish initials DESMI. On Feb. 10, Santiago was jailed on charges of diverting funds from international donors to rebels after President Zedillo named him a Zapatista leader on national television. "Thank God we've kept detailed account books for two decades," says Santiago's wife Ana at DESMI's headquarters in San Cristobal. "But no one from the government has come to inspect them." Zapatistas denied Santiago's membership in a communique issued from the jungle. Meanwhile, the case of the 52-year-old sociologist who once studied at Rome's Gregorian University is turning into a cause. His prison letters are reprinted and distributed by co-workers to communities DESMI has served for years. Peasants travel by the hundreds to offer flowers and white candles to his family. Many here see Santiago's arrest as a blow aimed at Bishop Samuel Ruiz, who has long defended Indian rights, often against the traditional Chiapas establishment. Santiago belongs to Ruiz's circle of advisors and serves on the National Intermediation Commission (CONAI) between the government and the rebels, of which Ruiz is president. Victor Perez Grovas, who directs one of several grassroots coffee producer coops, believes the arrest was also meant as "a threat and warning to all of us NGO's ... Jorge was coordinating a network of groups which combat extreme poverty, and we're part of that." In the northern town of Palenque near the spectacular Mayan ruins now all but empty of tourists, some Indian peasant leaders no longer sleep at home for fear of being arrested by the army. In a small office where groups gather to discuss land claims, people felt elated six months ago; peasant land takeovers were spreading and the army seemed held at bay. Today the atmosphere is oppressive. Juan Lopez Mendez heads one of the state's few remaining communally held farms, or ejidos, targeted for privatization under the North American Free Trade Agreement. Recently the ejido received a government letter advising members to await a surprise visit by authorities. "How can we feel free to go off to other towns if we need to work for cash? They'll claim we're fighting with the Zapatistas if we're not present." Pedro Parcero, who represents some 700 families seeking to settle 20- year-old claims to state held jungle, warns that the army is searching homes in the town of Nuevo Canaan, demanding names of "Zapatistas." "Troops are just five miles away and we're afraid they'll kick us off, but if we run they'll take us for Zapatistas and the bullets will fly," he said. "So we're staying". Most frightening to both men is how soldiers routinely check names at roadblocks against lists they have in hand, some typewritten, others in notebooks. Heads of coffee cooperatives and ejido presidents feel especially vulnerable, but some 150,000 acres have been claimed by squatters since the Zapatista revolt, and many feel their names are listed because landowners denounced them as Zapatistas. Between the southern town of Las Margaritas and Guadalupe Tepeyac some three hours away, the army has erected a string of 13 roadblocks. A few months ago, both towns were secure Zapatistas strongholds. Mauricio Olvera Garcia, a priest in Las Margaritas, is recording the dates and locations of each official act of intimidation against his church's pastoral work -- deacons and seminarians harassed at roadblocks, attempts to assassinate local priests by anti-Zapatistas, police raids on churches in search of arms. Garcia's assistant shows visitors hand-pencilled threats addressed to Olvera himself. In his office next to the San Cristobal Cathedral, where local ranchers have staged weekly protest marches and burned his effigy, Bishop Ruiz denies that Chiapas is sliding inexorably towards a repeat of Guatemala or El Salvador a decade ago. On March 11, the Mexican Congress passed the Law of Reconciliation and Dialogue which suspended orders for further Zapatista arrests for 30 days, although troops remain stationed throughout the zone. Once peace talks begin, the Bishop insists, that time limit must be open-ended. "With the law there is no reason for anyone to be on its margin, or outside it. All populations, sympathetic or not, will have no reason to be questioned or investigated." At DESMI's headquarters nearby, Alma Omana is less optimistic. "For the authorities right now, all the indigenous are Zapatistas." (03231995) **** END **** COPYRIGHT PNS -- + NY Transfer has moved! + + NY Transfer Blythe Internet + + 212-979-0464 <== NEW PHONE NUMBERS ==> 212-979-0440 + + 339 Lafayette St., New York, NY 10012 + + e-mail: + --- from list --- ------------------ From owner-seminar-12 Tue Mar 28 00:10:10 1995 Date: Mon, 27 Mar 1995 19:10:10 -0500 (EST) From: Jon Beasley-Murray Subject: Manegold of the NYT Manegold is the same person who wrote the article we read in class. Interesting that she could write two apparently fairly different articles. I wonder if anyone has a copy of this one? Take care Jon ---------- Forwarded message ---------- Date: Mon, 27 Mar 1995 12:35:43 -0800 From: To: Multiple recipients of list Subject: [PEN-L:4497] PEN-L digest 642 ------------------------------ Date: Mon, 27 Mar 1995 13:59:20 -0600 From: Robert Naiman To: Subject: defend Jennifer Harbury Hopefully people have been following the CIA/Guatemala affair. It's been disclosed that a CIA agent in the Guatemalan military ordered the killings of an American innkeeper in Guatemala and also the husband of Jennifer Harbury, who mounted a long campaign for information about his fate. The NYT coverage has been OK overall, but in yesterday's "Week in Review" there was a (to me) incredibly offensive article about Harbury by Catherine Manegold. Harbury was referred to as "obsessed", 'government officials' described her as "wacky", etc. I was so angry that rather than write the usual letter, which would probably be ignored anyway and certainly not printed, I called Manegold in the Washington bureau to chew her out. I left a message on her machine. If you saw the article and agree with my assessment, why not give her a bell? (Actually I was polite, don't worry.) Her office # is 202-862-0300. (Her last name is pronounced man-i-gold.) You could also call the editors at the Week in Review to complain: the NYT's NYC # is 212-556-1234, ask for "Week in Review". Thanks, Bob Naiman --- from list --- ------------------ From owner-seminar-12 Tue Mar 28 05:39:16 1995 Date: Tue, 28 Mar 1995 00:39:16 -0500 (EST) From: Jon Beasley-Murray Subject: Salvador urgent action ---------- Forwarded message ---------- Date: Mon, 27 Mar 1995 18:38:13 -0800 From: To: Multiple recipients of list Subject: [PEN-L:4499] PEN-L digest 643 ------------------------------ Date: Mon, 27 Mar 1995 18:19:29 -0800 (PST) From: D Shniad To: (Progressive Economists' Network) Subject: urgent action (fwd) Forwarded message: Date: Mon, 27 Mar 95 14:57 EST From: (Christian Task Force on Central America BC) To: Subject: urgent action EL SALVADOR *** URGENT ACTION *** EL SALVADOR *** URGENT March 23, 1995 #477 SALVADORAN LABOR LEADER CAPTURED AT MAQUILA Dear Friends, The Committee in Solidarity with the People of El Salvador (CISPES) reports that on March 20, the Secretary-General of the labor federation FENASTRAS (National Federation of Salvadoran Workers) was arrested by the National Civilian Police, while at the negotiating table at the JATEX factory in the El Progreso free trade zone in Santa Tecla, west of San Salvador . The media reported charges of "aggression, violation of private property, and resisting arrest" against Juan Jose Huezo. The police have beaten Huezo, according to FENASTRAS, which plans a demonstration tomorrow if he is not released. According to a press communique issued by fellow union federation FEASIES (Federation of Independent Trade Unions and Associations of El Salvador): "This type of action proves the existence within the PNC [National Civilian Police] of people with a militaristic mentality just like in the past, those wh o want to generate a lack of confidence towards the new police. The disrespect for the labor and union rights in the Free Trade Zones is a spoken secret in El Salvador, and the Ministry of Labor is doing nothing about it." BACKGROUND A series of incidents in El Salvador's maquiladoras have focused national attention on the horrendous and illegal working conditions there. Among the most recent: On February 24, 65 workers at the JATEX factory were fired when management discovered they belonged to a union. Previously, over 1,000 maquila workers at the Mandarin International factory were fired to prevent the creation of a trade union there. In response, and after a lock-out, all the workers at the free trade zone of San Marcos demonstrated on February 8 in one of the largest organized actions in maquila history. Also at San Marcos, on March 1, a worker suffering from acute gastroenteritis died after she was refused permission to leave work to see a doctor. Her co- workers, who took up a collection to cover her funeral expenses, were then beaten and fired. Initially, President Calderon Sol responded to public outrage by pronouncing that "abuses cannot be allowed," though officials at the Ministry of Labor have complained that their office lacks the resources to investigate and prevent all such abuses. Lately, Calderon has joined the maquila owners' claim that the organizing campaign is being orchestrated by the U.S. labor movement in order to sabotage Salvadoran maquilas and return jobs to the U.S. This position exonerates the government and the factory owners from taking responsibility for the working conditions, and further asserts that the workers should stop organizing and just be grateful to have a job at all. A report just issued by IDHUCA, the Institute for Human Rights at the Jesuit University of Central America, notes that "after twelve years of war, our nation has once again become attractive for foreign investors who wish to invest and produce wealth for their own personal benefit, by installing maquila factories (which import capital goods and raw materials duty-free, adding only cheap Salvadoran labor to transform the goods and then export them). of the advantages of the maquilas is to generate jobs, no one can deny that the working conditions seriously undermine the dignity of individuals. They are denied the right to organize and receive the benefits mandated by law, and the miserable wages make it impossible for maquila workers to achieve a decent standard of living: good food, access to education, decent housing, clothing and health services." ACTION Call on the Canadian and Salvadoran governments to denounce the capture and demand: (1) The immediate release of Juan Jose Huezo. (2) Also, the Ministry of Labor must thoroughly investigate and improve the deplorable conditions at maquilas in free trade zones throughout El Salvador, and support the constitutional right of all workers to organize and have union representation. (3) Further, the government must continue the cleansing of human rights violators from the National Civilian Police in order to guarantee its civilian nature. Also ask request that the Canadian government express its support for the democratic process in El Salvador; stressing the importance of full compliance with the Peace Accords. Ask that Canadian authorities continue to monitor the situation in El Salvador very closely, especially with the imminent withdrawal of ONUSAL (the United Nations Mission in El Salvador). ADDRESSES: S.E. Armando Caldern Presidente de la Rep#blica de El Salvador Casa Presidencial San Salvador, El Salvador FAX: 011-503-71-0950; 22-9109 Lic. Jos Maria Monterrey Director Policia Nacional Civil San Salvador, El Salvador fax: 011-503-25-2657 Mr. Andr Ouellet Minister of Foreign Affairs Lester B. Pearson Bldg., 125 Sussex Street Ottawa, Ontario K1A 0G2 fax: 613-995-9926 Ambassador James Fox fax: 011-502-2-336161 Canadian Embassy for Guatemala and El Salvador 13 Calles, 8-14 Edyma Plaza, 8th Floor Guatemala City, Guatemala Thank you for your support. ------------------------------ End of PEN-L Digest 643 *********************** --- from list --- ------------------ From owner-seminar-12 Wed Mar 29 21:42:57 1995 Date: Wed, 29 Mar 1995 16:42:57 -0500 (EST) From: Jon Beasley-Murray Subject: Almost an Oscar, but not quite... (fwd) ---------- Forwarded message ---------- Date: Wed, 29 Mar 95 14:27:21 CST From: Harry M. Cleaver To: Jon Beasley-Murray Subject: Almost an Oscar, but not quite... This posting has been forwarded to you as a service of the Austin Comite de Solidaridad con Chiapas y Mexico. Harry, Please pass this on to yours and the profmexis lists. Please delete my address header. Thanks. ---------- Cut message here ---------- This is a little piece on the School of the Americas. I noticed last night that one of the Oscars for small budget films was a nominee film titled "School of Assassins" which was mentioned quickly without a pause and the person presenting the award (I think it was John Travolta) then moved on. Needless to say, it did not win the Oscar. "School of Assassins" is the nickname for the U.S. Army School of the Americas in Georgia. See more info. below. **************************************************************************** ACADEMY-AWARD NOMINATED SHORT DOCUMENTARY: "School of Assasins," about the U.S. Army School of the Americas, is an Academy Award nominee in the short documentary film category. The Maryknoll film by Richter Productions is narrated by best actress nominee Susan Sarandon. Awards will be televised MONDAY. PURCHASE A COPY OF THE FILM BY MARYKNOLL, "School of Assasins" and show it to your friends and neighbors. To order call:Maryknoll World Productions at 1800 227-8523 the price is $14.95 plus $2.00 Postage and handling. **************************************************************************** ---------- Forwarded message ---------- From: Latin American Support Office Newsgroups: soc.culture.mexican Subject: CIA AGENT, GRADUATE OF SOA Date: Thu, 23 Mar 1995 22:57:03 -0800 (PST) /* Written 7:07 PM Mar 23, 1995 by amanecer in igc:reg.guatemala */ /* ---------- "COLONEL ALPIREZ IS AN SOA GRADUATE" ---------- */ March 23,1995 SUBJECT: COLONEL JULIO ROBERTO ALPIREZ IS A GRADUATE OF THE U.S. ARMY SCHOOL OF THE AMERICAS. Colonel Julio Roberto Alpirez of Guatemala, featured on front pages of newspapers across the nation today (including THE NEW YORK TIMES) attended the U.S. ARMY SCHOOL OF THE AMERICAS twice during his military career. IN 1970, while the SOA was located at Fort Gulick in Panama, Alpirez took a course in Combat Arms and Support Services. IN 1989, Alpirez took the SOA's prestigious, year-long Command and General Staff College at Fort Benning, Georgia. Representative Robert Torricelli (D-NJ) revealed that COL Alpirez--a paid agent of the CIA--ordered the murder of American citizen Michael Devine in 1990. Alpirez also ordered the 1992 execution of Guatemalan Efrain Bamaca Velasquez, husband of U.S. lawyer Jennifer Harbury who fasted and demonstrated repeatedly on her slain husband's behalf. FAST TO CLOSE SOA: Father Roy Courgeois, M.M. of the SOA WATCH and others from across the nation will fast from March 24th-30th on the steps of the U.S. capitol in order to publicize the U.S. Army School of the Americas and it's role in Central and Latin America. **************************************************************************** ACADEMY-AWARD NOMINATED SHORT DOCUMENTARY: "School of Assasins," about the U.S. Army School of the Americas, is an Academy Award nominee in the short documentary film category. The Maryknoll film by Richter Productions is narrated by best actress nominee Susan Sarandon. Awards will be televised MONDAY. PURCHASE A COPY OF THE FILM BY MARYKNOLL, "School of Assasins" and show it to your friends and neighbors. To order call:Maryknoll World Productions at 1 800 227-8523 the price is $14.95 plus $2.00 Postage and handling. **************************************************************************** To invite Father Roy Bourgeois to speak to your group call: SOA WATCH (706)682-5369 To invite Father Bill Bichsel, S.J. to speak to your group, call us here: LATIN AMERICAN SUPPORT OFFICE INTER FAITH CENTER 1224 South "I" Tacoma, Washington 98405 tel:(206)627-2720 fax:(206)383-2672 Susana Anibarro Executive Director Latin American Support Office --- from list --- ------------------ From owner-seminar-12 Wed Mar 29 21:42:17 1995 Date: Wed, 29 Mar 1995 16:42:17 -0500 (EST) From: Jon Beasley-Murray Subject: Roett Protest Letter from JHU Students (fwd) ---------- Forwarded message ---------- Date: Wed, 29 Mar 1995 14:10:04 -0600 (CST) From: Harry M. Cleaver To: Subject: Roett Protest Letter from JHU Students (fwd) Jon: here's a letter ---------- Forwarded message ---------- Date: Fri, 24 Feb 1995 09:37:46 -0600 (CST) From: Harry M. Cleaver To: chip Subject: Roett Protest Letter from JHU Students This posting has been forwarded to you as a service of the Austin Comite de Solidaridad con Chiapas y Mexico. ====================================== ---------- Forwarded message ---------- Date: Thu, 23 Feb 95 18:53:44 EST From: Bruce Podobnik To: Prof Cleaver Subject: Roett Protest Prof Cleaver: I recently received the protest letter you posted on LASNET. As a graduate student in the Sociology Department at Johns Hopkins, I was mortified to read the statements that Roett advanced. I have circulated the following protest letter within Hopkins. Bruce Podobnik -------------------------------------------------------------- As most of you already know, Riordan Roett, the Director of Latin American Studies at the School for Advanced International Studies at Johns Hopkins University, recently published a memo in which he called for the elimination of the Zapatistas and also suggested that the Mexican government might not find it convenient to honor the results of upcoming elections. In order to increase the pressure on Director Roett, the following letter has been circulated within the Hopkins community and has been signed by a number of students. We urge you to draft a protest as well, and mail it to the following addresses: Riordan Roett Director of Latin American Studies School of Advanced International Studies 1740 Massachusetts Ave. N.W. Washington DC 20036 Dean George Packard School of Advanced International Studies 1740 Massachusetts Ave. N.W. Washington DC 20036 President William Richardson 242 Garland Hall Johns Hopkins University 34th and Charles Street Baltimore, Maryland 21218 Thanks, Bruce Podobnik -------------------------------------------------------- LETTER OF PROTEST TO: Riordan Roett, Director of Latin American Studies Copies forwarded to Dean George Pratt, SAIS, and President William Richardson, Johns Hopkins University. FROM: Department of Sociology, Johns Hopkins University. RE: Memo Written by Director Roett regarding the current situation in Mexico. Director Roett: Feb. 22, 1995 We are writing in order to express our extreme dismay and outrage regarding statements contained in your document, "Chase Manhattan's Emerging Market's Group Memo," dated January 13, 1995. According to published reports, this document also served as the basis for a public presentation which you made at a January 11 seminar, organized by the Center for Strategic and International Studies. In both the memo and in the seminar, you offer recommendations to the Administration of President Ernesto Zedillo as to how to sustain foreign investor confidence in Mexico following the recent financial crisis. Two of your recommendations strike us as being particularly irresponsible. 1) In your memo you state, with reference to the government of President Zedillo: "The government will need to eliminate the Zapatistas to demonstrate their effective control of the national territory and of security policy." As Director of Latin American Studies at SAIS, you must have been aware that the Mexican government had been building up its security presence in Chiapas throughout the latter part of 1994. We believe that it was extremely irresponsible of you to make a public statement of this sort in such a highly- charged context. We would also note that Mexican security forces began a large-scale takeover of former rebel areas on February 9 (New York Times, Feb. 21 1995, A13), less than a month after your memo was published. Although news reports are sporadic, it appears that Mexican security forces are engaging in the widespread violation of the human rights of citizens in the region. 2) In your memo you also state, with reference to upcoming elections at the state-level in Mexico: "The Zedillo administration will need to consider carefully whether or not to allow opposition victories if fairly won at the ballot box." As you must know, Mexico has a very troubling history of electoral corruption. In recent Presidential elections, however, halting progress towards reforming the electoral process and ensuring that fair electoral outcomes are honored has been made. We therefore believe that it is extremely irresponsible of you to suggest that PRI, for whatever reason, might now want to reverse its efforts towards instituting truly fair democratic procedures in Mexico. We formally request from you a clarification regarding these points. We also call on you to publicly retract your statements by writing letters to the Mexican administration of Ernesto Zedillo, to the investors which attended your seminar, and to the Hopkins community. Given that your memo has been widely discussed and condemned on the Internet, we also suggest that you publish a retraction in that medium as well. Respectfully, (signatures deleted) --- from list --- ------------------ From owner-seminar-12 Wed Mar 29 22:09:46 1995 Date: Wed, 29 Mar 1995 17:09:46 -0500 (EST) From: Jon Beasley-Murray Subject: Menchu: Indigenous Rights (Spanish) (fwd) Stop me anyone if you want fewer of these message. But I hope they are of interest to us as students of Central America. Take care Jon ---------- Forwarded message ---------- Date: Wed, 29 Mar 95 14:30:23 CST From: Harry M. Cleaver To: Jon Beasley-Murray Subject: Menchu: Indigenous Rights (Spanish) This posting has been forwarded to you as a service of the Austin Comite de Solidaridad con Chiapas y Mexico. ---------- Forwarded message ---------- Date: Mon, 27 Mar 1995 10:33:21 EST From: To: Multiple recipients of list NATIVE-L Subject: DECLARACION DE LOS DERECHOS DE LOS PUEBLOS INDIGENAS Original Sender: Mailing List: NATIVE-L ( A PESAR DE TODO AVANZAMOS Por RIGOBERTA MENCHU TUM El Decenio Internacional proclamado por la Asamblea General de las Naciones Unidas representa una oportunidad para encontrar soluciones viables a los problemas ancestrales de marginaci'on, exclusi'on y racismo que seguimos viviendo los pueblos ind'igenas en la mayor'ia de los pa'ises del planeta. A las puertas del tercer milenio podemos constatar con profunda tristeza que contin'uan las graves y sistem'aticas violaciones a los derechos inalienables de los pueblos ind'igenas; incluyendo los de sus derechos humanos b'asicos. En algunos pa'ises, comunidades y pueblos ind'igenas incluso est'an en peligro de extinci'on y, en otros, viven el impacto doloroso de los conflictos armados como una expresi'on m'as de la intolerancia persistente. Asimismo, hay pueblos ind'igenas que padecen hambruna, lo cual implica tambi'en un atentado violento a sus derechos, y en la mayor'ia de los casos est'an excluidos de los programas nacionales de desarrollo. Ante esta condici'on vergonzosa se requiere que la comunidad internacional admita que esta situaci'on representa un estado de emergencia, que requiere de acciones contundentes para garantizar que estos pueblos no sean exterminados antes de finalizar el presente siglo. Prevenir la desaparici'on de nuestras culturas milenarias, por lo tanto de los pueblos ind'igenas, es una contribuci'on a la paz, una contribuci'on concreta a la propia vida de la humanidad. INICIATIVAS QUE DAN FRUTOS Es imprescindible, sin embargo, reconocer que en algunos pa'ises los pueblos ind'igenas est'an florecientes de vida. Constituyen la mayor'ia de la poblaci'on local y, a pesar de las condiciones de marginaci'on, segregaci'on, racismo y persistencia de conflictos b'elicos, cuentan con notables avances en la afirmaci'on de sus derechos econ'omicos, pol'iticos, sociales y culturales. A trav'es de los a'nos han sembrado m'ultiples iniciativas que hoy dan frutos en valiosas experiencias hacia un futuro multi'etnico, pluricultural y plurilinguee, que ser'a la garant'ia de una convivencia pac'ifica de esas sociedades plurales. Guatemala, mi pa'is, vive m'as de 34 a'nos de guerra con el consecuente derramamiento de sangre de los nuestros, el dolor de las madres, de las viudas, de los ni'nos y de todo un pueblo; constituye una deuda moral irreparable en la historia de los pueblos del mundo, y a pesar de ello, hoy es testimonio de di'alogo y negociaci'on para arribar a una soluci'on pol'itica, con la esperanza de que ese proceso se traduzca en la vigencia plena de la identidad y los derechos de los pueblos ind'igenas. Para que los avances alcanzados en la vida de estos pueblos no retrocedan, es fundamental acompa'nar y fortalecer sus experiencias organizativas, sus instituciones como tales y, en general, propiciar las condiciones para que sean parte plena y activa en la edificaci'on del futuro de sus pueblos. A pesar de las enormes dificultades y del largo y doloroso camino que nos queda por recorrer para hacer efectivos nuestros derechos, un logro evidente de los 'ultimos tiempos es la mayor difusi'on de la informaci'on a la opini'on p'ublica nacional e internacional sobre los derechos y valores de los pueblos ind'igenas. Asimismo, en un n'umero importante de pa'ises se han dado algunos avances constitucionales que reconocen la diversidad lingue'istica y cultural de sus pueblos. Cada vez m'as se fomenta el respeto mutuo entre ind'igenas y no ind'igenas, haciendo uso de los conocimientos t'ecnicos y cient'ificos de los pueblos ind'igenas al servicio de la sociedad en su conjunto. Estos hechos esperanzadores demuestran que la presencia de pueblos ind'igenas en un pa'is, no es necesariamente sin'onimo de conflictos, m'as bien es fuente de una riqueza de identidad nacional y puntal de un desarrollo integral de la humanidad. CONFLICTOS QUE EXIGEN RESPUESTAS URGENTES En Chiapas, M'exico, asistimos a un nuevo conflicto armado en una zona habitada mayoritariamente por ind'igenas, en particular del pueblo maya, que nos plantea el desaf'io de erradicar las causas que dieron origen a ese conflicto. En este sentido, se torna imprescindible retomar el camino del di'alogo y la soluci'on pol'itica, teniendo en cuenta la plena participaci'on de los pueblos ind'igenas. Asimismo, la zona fronteriza de Per'u y Ecuador ha sido escenario de una guerra que afecta directamente a los pueblos ind'igenas. Es urgente dar t'ermino a esa guerra y reparar los da'nos causados a la poblaci'on en general y en particular a los ind'igenas. En todos los casos es necesario evaluar el impacto que los conflictos armados han dejado a los pueblos ind'igenas, por lo que se vuelve indispensable establecer un mecanismo de monitoreo preciso de las violaciones a sus derechos y encontrar soluciones pac'ificas a tales conflictos. INICIATIVA INDIGENA POR LA PAZ Con toda firmeza creo que el respeto a la diversidad es un pilar fundamental en la erradicaci'on del racismo, de la xenofobia y de la intolerancia. No hay excusa alguna para evadir la responsabilidad de encontrar el camino m'as conveniente para eliminar cualquier expresi'on de discriminaci'on hacia los pueblos ind'igenas. Del 13 al 17 del pasado mes de febrero, 55 personalidades ind'igenas provenientes de 25 pa'ises del mundo celebramos la II Asamblea de la Iniciativa Ind'igena por la Paz, en la sede de la UNESCO en Par'is, Francia. Establecimos tres objetivos centrales para aprovechar la oportunidad hist'orica que nos representa el Decenio Internacional. El primer objetivo es "promover el establecimiento de un nuevo orden en las relaciones entre los pueblos ind'igenas, los gobiernos y la sociedad en general, basadas en el respeto mutuo y el reconocimiento y promoci'on de los derechos de los pueblos ind'igenas, tanto en el plano nacional como internacional". Para el cumplimiento de este objetivo consideramos conveniente establecer y homologar los instrumentos de verificaci'on de los derechos ind'igenas y de violaciones a los mismos, de tal forma que el lenguaje sea universal. Es preciso asegurar los derechos de los pueblos ind'igenas a trav'es de la modificaci'on y del efectivo cumplimiento de las constituciones nacionales, as'i como el respeto de los tratados, convenios y otros instrumentos internacionales en esta materia. Pero adem'as, es necesario elaborar propuestas sobre pol'iticas sociales para impulsar modelos de convivencia plural basados en el desarrollo de los pueblos ind'igenas, a la vez que establecer relaciones de igualdad con las organizaciones no gubernamentales y agencias de cooperaci'on internacionales para eliminar todas las expresiones colonialistas, autoritarias y paternalistas que todav'ia subsisten. El segundo objetivo es "respaldar el progreso y desarrollo material y espiritual de los pueblos ind'igenas, rescatando y potenciando sus propios valores culturales y tradiciones, as'i como promoviendo la solidaridad y comunicaci'on entre ellos y entre las diversas culturas, tanto a nivel nacional como internacional". Para esto es necesario coadyuvar al fortalecimiento del desarrollo y consolidaci'on de las organizaciones ind'igenas en todos los niveles, as'i como a la comunicaci'on entre las personas, comunidades, organizaciones y pueblos del mundo, teniendo presente que buscamos romper el silencio y dar a conocer nuestros valores y conocimientos milenarios, a fin de contribuir a la construcci'on de una nueva 'etica que oriente esa nueva relaci'on entre los elementos ind'igenas y no ind'igenas en las sociedades plurales, y aportar a las soluciones de problemas mundiales. El tercer objetivo es "contribuir a la prevenci'on de conflictos que involucren a los pueblos ind'igenas, as'i como promover soluciones pac'ificas a los mismos en cualquier parte del mundo". Para ello es fundamental ejercer una vigilancia especial, integrando comisiones de verificaci'on y mediaci'on en los casos que se requieran y hacer custodia para prevenir que no se desate la violaci'on de los derechos humanos en zonas potencialmente conflictivas. Y, obviamente, resulta indispensable elaborar propuestas para el tratamiento adecuado de la problem'atica fronteriza entre diversos Estados, que afecta a los pueblos ind'igenas asentados en dichas zonas. Las personalidades ind'igenas que de manera voluntaria y a t'itulo personal nos hemos congregado en la Iniciativa Ind'igena por la Paz, hacemos el compromiso de contribuir a la promoci'on del Decenio Internacional, as'i como a la hermandad entre todas las culturas de nuestro planeta. EL PROYECTO DE DECLARACION DE LOS DERECHOS DE LOS PUEBLOS INDIGENAS A solicitud de la Comisi'on de Derechos Humanos, el Grupo de Trabajo sobre Poblaciones Ind'igenas ha concluido la labor de doce a'nos de investigaci'on, deliberaci'on cuidadosa y comprensiva, recomendando normas de promoci'on y protecci'on de los derechos de los pueblos ind'igenas, en lo que conocemos como Proyecto de Declaraci'on de los Derechos de los Pueblos Ind'igenas, el mismo que ha sido aprobado por la Subcomisi'on de Prevenci'on contra la Discriminaci'on y Protecci'on a las Minor'ias y que ahora se presenta ante la mencionada Comisi'on para ser aprobada. El derecho a la autodeterminaci'on es la parte fundamental del Proyecto de Declaraci'on de los Derechos de los Pueblos Ind'igenas y constituye el pre-requisito para el respeto de todos los dem'as derechos. Entre los esenciales derivados de la autodeterminaci'on est'a el derecho al desarrollo. Hoy en d'ia, los pueblos ind'igenas del mundo se ven enfrentados a un sinn'umero de problemas provocados por la aplicaci'on de modelos de desarrollo ajenos a su visi'on del mundo, a sus valores y procesos de autogesti'on. La mayor'ia de los conflictos que se producen en los territorios donde habitan pueblos ind'igenas son, en realidad, luchas por el control de recursos naturales, como la madera, los minerales, el petr'oleo y la biodiversidad. Autodeterminaci'on y desarrollo solo son dos de las normas internacionales que deben entrar en pr'actica para que los pueblos ind'igenas puedan arribar a condiciones de vida digna. El proyecto de Declaraci'on de los Derechos de los Pueblos Ind'igenas es el resultado de muchos a'nos de trabajo, de consulta a gobiernos, agencias de Naciones Unidas, a organizaciones intergubernamentales; a comunidades, a pueblos, a organizaciones y personalidades ind'igenas, para quienes existe una estrecha relaci'on entre derechos humanos, paz y desarrollo. Para alcanzar la paz, el impulso del desarrollo debe armonizar el factor econ'omico con la dimensi'on social, pol'itica, ambiental y cultural y el respeto efectivo al derecho a la autodeterminaci'on, la justicia y la libertad. No se puede hablar de desarrollo cuando el pueblo es analfabeto, desnutrido e incluso muere de hambre. No puede haber paz cuando a'un persiste y se incrementa el racismo. De la Comisi'on de Derechos Humanos, esperamos su respaldo a dicho proyecto de Declaraci'on como una de sus primeras medidas en el Decenio Internacional. Este proyecto es el producto de discusiones y debates entre pueblos ind'igenas, gobiernos y expertos, siguiendo la pr'actica de plena participaci'on. Toda esta pr'actica nos ha demostrado que una amplia cooperaci'on de ambas partes puede ayudar en la b'usqueda de soluciones. Espero que se tenga en cuenta la necesidad de continuar esta tradici'on, tanto en la Comisi'on, como en los dem'as 'organos gubernamentales en los que se analizar'a el Proyecto de Declaraci'on, y que tomen, en cada uno de ellos, los pasos procesales necesarios para hacer efectiva la plena participaci'on de los pueblos, organizaciones y personalidades ind'igenas en la consolidaci'on de este documento. Asimismo, conviene reafirmar la importancia del Grupo de Trabajo sobre Poblaciones Ind'igenas como la 'unica posibilidad actual para que los pueblos ind'igenas se manifiesten e intercambien sus ideas con otros pueblos y gobiernos. Este Grupo de Trabajo podr'ia reforzarse, por lo cual encuentro interesante la idea de algunas delegaciones que han sugerido que en 'el se incluya a representantes de pueblos ind'igenas. Hace algunos meses comenzaron las discusiones del Foro Permanente, al que considero una importante iniciativa. Tengo entendido que muchos hermanos y hermanas se interesan en desarrollar un foro con igualdad de participaci'on que los gobiernos. -------------------------------------------------------- ALAI: AGENCIA LATINOAMERICANA DE INFORMACION Casilla 17-12-877, Quito, Ecuador Av. 12 de octubre 622 y Patria, Edificio Bossano, Of.503 Telf: (593 2) 505 074 Fax: (593 2) 505 073 From: Sabina Date: Wed, 22 Mar 1995 15:33:19 -0800 Newsgroups: soc.culture.latin-america Escrito 12:19 PM Mar 20, 1995 por Conferencia APC: igc:alai.amlatina Enviar respuesta a: TITULO: DECENIO INDIGENA: AVANCES Y RETROCESOS --- from list --- ------------------ From owner-seminar-12 Fri Mar 31 06:17:23 1995 Date: Fri, 31 Mar 1995 01:17:23 -0500 (EST) From: Alberto Moreiras Subject: Llamada urgente Hemos tenido un problema estupido y serio con las listas de correo de Latin American Studies para el Working Group on History, Narrative and Ideology in the Americas, y como consecuencia muy poca gente sabe que Jose Manuel Valenzuela Arce y Daniel Mato seran HOY VIERNES 31 DE MARZO A LAS 5:30 en Latin American Studies los invitados del Working Group y daran un taller-conversacion sobre politicas culturales latinoamericanas. ESTO ES MUY IMPORTANTE: ambos son muy buenos, y nadie interesado en temas latinoamericanos puede desear no estar en la reunion. POR FAVOR POR FAVOR POR FAVOR: incluso si individualmente no podeis venir, llamad por telefono cada uno de vosotros a dos o tres amigos o enemigos y decidles que ha pasado. Habra aperitivos y vino en la reunion. LLAMADA URGENTE, MOVILIZACION GENERAL. Eternamente agradecido, Alberto --- from list --- ------------------ From owner-seminar-12 Fri Mar 31 06:22:56 1995 Date: Fri, 31 Mar 1995 01:22:56 -0500 (EST) From: Jon Beasley-Murray Subject: Death Squad murder in El Salvador (fwd) ---------- Forwarded message ---------- Date: Fri, 31 Mar 1995 00:10:00 -0500 From: Automatic digest processor To: Recipients of CENTAM-L digests Subject: CENTAM-L Digest - 29 Mar 1995 to 30 Mar 1995 ------------------------------ Date: Thu, 30 Mar 1995 19:12:21 -0500 From: Ken Mcguffin - JOUD/F94 Subject: Another Death Squad Murder in Salvador (fwd) ---------- Forwarded message ---------- From: NY Transfer News Collective Newsgroups: Subject: Another Death Squad Murder in Salvador Via NY Transfer News Collective * All the News that Doesn't Fit from "el diario/La Prensa," a Spanish language newspaper published in New York City. Translated and edited by Toby Mailman. SALVADORAN COMMUNITY LEADER MURDERED Death Squads Accused of Crime; Victim was Member of FMLN On March 26, the former guerrilla group, Farabundo Marti National Liberation Front (FMLN), of El Salvador, denounced the murder of Joel Melgar, a community leader in the department of La Libertad (center). Felix Orellana, FMLN leader in La Libertad, attributed the crime to the death squads, which, according to various reports, have reappeared, after having murdered hundreds of Salvadorans during the last decade, for political reasons. Melgar, 31, member of the FMLN and president of the Libertad y Progreso Cooperative, was kidnapped on March 25 from Santa Tecla, 12 kilometers west of San Salvador, by four men, masked and armed with M-16 rifles. His body, with 11 bullet wounds, was found an hour later in the exclusive Colonia Escalon neighborhood, in the western part of San Salvador, judicial authorities confirmed. "It's a clear message to intimidate the FMLN," said Orellana, who explained that this organization, which became a political party as a result of the 1992 peace accords, is planning a demonstration for March 31 in La Libertad. Orellana called for the governmental Human Rights Office and the U.N. Observer Mission in El Salvador (ONUSAL) to investigate the murder. (el diario/La Prensa, AFP, 3/27/95) -- + NY Transfer has moved! + + NY Transfer Blythe Internet + + 212-979-0464 <== NEW PHONE NUMBERS ==> 212-979-0440 + + 339 Lafayette St., New York, NY 10012 + + e-mail: + --- from list --- ------------------ From owner-seminar-12 Mon Apr 3 18:33:56 1995 Date: Mon, 3 Apr 1995 14:33:56 -0400 (EDT) From: Jon Beasley-Murray Subject: Mex video network needs distribution help (fwd) Two for the Latin American Studies video library? Jon Beasley-Murray Literature Program Duke University ---------- Forwarded message ---------- Date: Mon, 3 Apr 95 01:06:21 CDT From: Harry M. Cleaver To: Jon Beasley-Murray Subject: Mex video network needs distribution help This posting has been forwarded to you as a service of the Austin Comite de Solidaridad con Chiapas y Mexico. ---------- Forwarded message ---------- Date: Sun, 2 Apr 1995 19:32:15 -0600 (CST) From: Elliott Young (Colegio de la Frontera) Subject: Mex video network needs distribution help (fwd) Friends, A group of independent Mexican videographers throughout the country are organizing a network with the purpose of producing a weekly video news magazine on events in Mexico. The focus of these reports will be on Chiapas, struggles of indigenous people, labor movements, and other social movements. The hope is that these videos will find an international audience, either via cable access TV or through presentations by solidarity and other activist organizations. If you have any interest in becoming part of this important distribution network in the US, Canada, Europe, or anywhere else, or can provide contacts who can help to distribute this information please write back to me, Elliott Young, at: ( Thus far two edited videos, with English subtitles or interpretation, are available. The first, entitled "Todos Somos Marcos," covers three major demonstrations in Mexico City in February, 1995, following the military invasion of the selva lacandona (10 min). The second video was recorded on March 2nd, just after journalists were allowed into Zapatista territory. This video shows the destruction that the Mexican army wrought on a small rural community, Prado Pacayal, and includes several interviews with inhabitants of this village (26 min). This video is an especially poignant reminder that the war continues in Chiapas, despite the protestations by the government to the contrary. If you are interested in either of these videos please write to Leopoldo Rodriguez at and cc me at the above address. All proceeds from the sale of these videos will be used to cover mailing and duplicatings costs, and to help the Mexican videographers continue their work. The revolution will be televised, Television will be revolutionized, Elliott Young --- from list --- ------------------ From owner-seminar-12 Fri Apr 7 23:33:05 1995 Date: Fri, 7 Apr 1995 19:33:05 -0400 (EDT) From: Jon Beasley-Murray Subject: logic of the national security state? This is well worth reading all the way through. Take care Jon Jon Beasley-Murray Literature Program Duke University ---------- Forwarded message ---------- Date: Fri, 7 Apr 95 16:48:11 CDT From: Harry M. Cleaver To: Jon Beasley-Murray Subject: US Actions in Guatemala. Chiapas Next????? This posting has been forwarded to you as a service of the Austin Comite de Solidaridad con Chiapas y Mexico. NOTE BENE: The following transcript gives chilling insight into both American participation in the murder of over 100,000 Guatemalans as well as the kind of mentality behind it. Listen to Nairn's description of what the US has been doing, and watch how Abrams responds, how he uses the "Cold War" as a rationale for such wholescale slaughter, never responding to Nairn's basic point that most of the people killed were innocent civilians, not guerrillas. Abrams' "logic" is exactly the same that oversaw the slaughter of even vaster numbers in Vietnam. No crime is too great to beat an essentially peasant and indigenous population into submission. Trained by US Army instructors with such a mentality, reared among indigenous despising ladinos, Mexican Army officers are prone to exactly such attitudes. With the evidence already at hand, from last January's military offensive and this February's one, it seems clear that enough that the people of Chiapas have been and continue to suffer the consequences of such attitudes. These are the kind of people we are fighting against folks! They are coldly inhuman killers who fabricate the most outrageous excuses for the crimes they commit. If they were not high ranking officials in the military and the government they would certainly be tried and either jailed or committed (to hospitals for the criminally insane). Nairn's demand for a Nurenberg-style trial seems very apt. It was done outside the government during the Vietnam war. Perhaps it is time to do so again, not only for the butchers of Guatemala, but for the state terrorists in Chiapas as well. Harry ---------- Forwarded message ---------- Date: Fri, 7 Apr 1995 14:10:15 -0700 From: Dan Epstein To: Multiple recipients of list Subject: [PEN-L:4652] Elliot Abrams, Allan Nairn, Torricelli on C. Rose Note how Torricelli employs a "plausible denial" strategy, Abrams attempts to argue "my superiors knew about it" and Nairn makes some very powerful points. Kudos to Allan Nairn! Dan From: John Richard Newsgroups: Subject: NAIRN: THE CIA & GUATEMALA'S DEATH SQUADS Date: 5 Apr 1995 20:49:33 GMT Excerpts from "Charlie Rose," March 31, 1995 Subject: Guatemala Guests: Rep. Robert Torricelli, Elliot Abrams, Allan Nairn .. Rose: Tell me what you have found out, Allan. You've got a story in the Nation magazine thats called "CIA Death Squad: Americans Have Been Directly Involved in Guatemalan Army Killings." What can you add to this story before I go to Elliot in Washington? .. Nairn: Alpirez is one Colonel on the CIA payroll who committed two murders. From talking to both Guatemalan and US operatives involved in this, its clear that there are many, perhaps dozens of Guatemalan military officers on the CIA payroll who've been involved in thousands of killings. The G-2, the military intelligence service which coordinates tha assinations and disappearances -- their top officials have for years been paid by the CIA. I was able to learn the names of three of them who've been on the payroll, as well as General Hector Gramajo, General Roberto Matta, two of the top officers, closest US proteges, who've been directly involved in commanding massacres in the Northwest Highlands. Furthermore, there are actual US CIA agents who work directly inside the G-2. I was able to learn the names of two of them, Joe Jacarino and Randy Capister. They provide what's called technical assistance and advice. I was able to reach colonel Alpirez on the phone in Guatemala. He denied being involved in the Devine and Bamaca killings, said the CIA wasn't paying him, but he talked rather extensively about how the CIA essentially helps to run the G-2 with ongoing advice and American advisers right there inside this systematic killing operation. Rose: You recorded this conversation? Nairn: No, I took extensive notes on it. And its not just the CIA. Its the Pentagon, the State Department, and the White House as well. For example, here are some internal State Department records which indicate that during both the Bush and Clinton administrations after there was a supposed cutoff of military aid to Guatemala, the State Department authorized at least 114 separate sales of pistols and rifles to Guatemala. The US military has been planning joint maneuvers with the Guatemalan military this spring. This is an across the board policy and you have to hold the President accountable for that. Rose: Elliot, you were Assistant Secretary of State for Latin American affairs during the Reagan administration. Tell me what you make of this story, what you know about what went on during the Reagan administration and perhaps what you have learned about this story since it broke. Abrams: I may not know as many facts about this as Bob Toricelli does but from what I can see there's a lot less here than meets the eye. The fact that the CIA maintains relationships with intelligence people and military people in Central America and throughout the world is not news. The fact that some of them are pretty unattractive people is not news... That we had an ongoing CIA program in Guatemala at a time there was a military cutoff, you can't do that without a finding, its got to be approved by the House and Senate Intelligence Committees. So one question to ask is: if the intelligence committee's didn't like this why didn't they stop it? Before we start jumping up and down here and saying this is another case of the CIA out of control, here I think I might agree with Mr. Nairn that if this was a Bush and Clinton policy, then lets talk about the policy of the President in both cases, and lets not start talking about a rogue CIA which does not yeat appear to me to exist. Rose: Let me just ask you a hypothetical question. Would you as an assistant secretary of state for Latin American affairs, if you found out that our government was paying a man in the Guatemalan military after it learned that he had been implicated in the assassination of an American or someone married to an American , would you be outraged?... Abrams: I would certainly be outraged in the Devine case which looked like the cold blooded murder of an innocent American. The notion that we would continue to employ such a person would give him and others in the Guatemalan military the sense that we just didn't care about the killing of American citizens. The Bamaca case is a different case. That guy was a guerrilla and he was not an American. Rose: Yeah but he wasn't killed in battle, he was killed in prison. Abrams: No, but it is a different case. And the responsibility we have is to protect above all American citizens, not Guatemalan guerrillas. So it is a different case, different kind of level of seriousness for the US government. Rose: Allan. Nairn: Charlie, you asked a hypothetical: How would Mr. Abrams react? In fact we have the historical record. We can see how he and the other Reagan and Bush and Clinton officials have reacted. Rose: In the State Department, or in the CIA, or both? Nairn: Across the board. And in the face of this systematic policy of slaughter by the Guatemalan military, more than 110,000 civilians killed by that military since 1978, what Amnesty International has called a "government program of political murder," the US has continued to provide covert assistance to the G-2 and they have continued, especially during the time of Mr. Abrams, to provide political aid and comfort. For example, Abrams: Uh, Charlie. Rose: One second. Nairn: during the Northwest Highland massacres of the [early] '80s when the Catholic Church said: "never in our history has it come to such grave extremes. It has reached the point of genocide," President Reagan went down, embraced Rios Montt, the dictator who was staging these massacres, and said he was getting "a bum rap on human rights." In 85 when human rights leader Rosario Godoy was abducted by the army, raped and mutilated, her baby had his fingernails torn out, the Guatemalan military said: "Oh, they died in a traffic accident." Human rights groups contacted Mr. Abrams, asked him about it, he wrote back -- this is his letter of reply -- he said: yes, "there's no evidence other than that they died in a traffic accident." Now this is a woman raped and mutilated, a baby with his fingernails torn out. This is longstanding policy. Rose: I want to come to Congressman Torricelli in a moment, but these are specific points raised by Allan having to do with your public conduct. Abrams: I'm not, I tell you, whatever Allan Nairn wants to do, Charlie, I'm not here to refight the Cold War. I'm glad we won, maybe he's not. What I'm here to say is we're talking not about US policy in the world Nairn: Won against who, won against those civilians the Guatemalan army was massacring? Abrams: Wait a minute. Wait a minute. Wait a minute. Wait a minute. We're not here to refight the Cold War. We're here to talk about, I thought, a specific case in which an allegation is being made that the husband of an American, in another case an American citizen, were killed and there was a CIA connection with, allegedly, with the person allegedly involved in it. Now I'm happy to talk about that kind of thing. If Mr. Nairn thinks we should have been on the other side in Guatemala, that is we should have been in favor of a guerrilla victory, I disagree with him. Nairn: So you're then admitting that you were on the side of the Guatemalan military! Abrams: I am admitting that it was the policy of the United States, under Democrats and Republicans, approved by Congress repeatedly to oppose a Communist guerrilla victory anywhere in Central America including in Guatemala. Nairn: "A Communist guerrilla victory!" Ninety-five percent of these victims are civilians -- peasant organizers, human rights leaders, priests -- assassinated by the US - backed Guatemalan army. Rose: I'm happy to invite both of you, I'm happy to invite both of you back to review Reagan and Bush administration policy. Right now I want to stick to this point [re Alpirez scandal]... .. Nairn: Lets look at reality here. In reality we're not talking about two murders, one Colonel. We're talking about more than a hundred thousand murders, an entire army, many of its top officers employees of the US government. We're talking about crimes and we're also talking about criminals; not just people like the Guatemalan Colonels but also the US agents who've been working with them, and the higher level US officials. I mean, I think you have to apply uniform standards. President Bush once talked about putting Saddam Hussein on trial for crimes against humanity -- Nuremberg style tribunal. I think that's a good idea. But if you're serious, you have to be even-handed. If you look at a case like this, I think we have to start talking about putting Guatemalan and US officials on trial. I think someone like Mr. Abrams would be a fit subject for such a Nuremberg-style inquiry, Abrams: (laughs) Nairn: but I agree with Mr. Abrams that Democrats would have to be in the dock with him. Rose: Well, well I, Nairn: The Congress has been in on this. The Congress approved the sale of 16,000 M-16s to Guatemala. In '87 and '88 Rose: All right, but hold on one second, Nairn: they voted more military aid than the Republicans asked for. Rose: And again, I invite you and Elliot Abrams back to discuss what he did, but right now, Abrams: No, thanks Charlie, but, Rose: Hold on one second, Elliot, go ahead Elliot, to repeat the question, do you want to be in the dock? Abrams: It is ludicrous, it is ludicrous to respond to that kind of stupidity. This guy thinks we were on the wrong side in the cold war. Maybe he personally was on the wrong side. I am one of the many millions of Americans who Nairn: Mr. Abrams, you were on the wrong side in supporting the massacre of peasants and organizers and anyone who dared to speak. Absolutely. And thats a crime. Thats a crime, Mr. Abrams, for which people should be tried. Its against the law. Abrams: All right, we'll put all the American officials who won the Cold War in the dock. Rose (to Torricelli): All right. You have read this article. Torricelli: I have read the article. Rose: Did you find anything that your information contradicts, in this article by Allan Nairn in the Nation magazine? You have said its the talk of Washington, this article. Toricelli: Every day this story has surpassed expectations of the day before, even in Washington where people tend to be cynical on these things. What this article suggests to us is rather than a few Guatemalan military officers who've abused rights, that indeed the entire military leadership in Guatemala may be rife with US informants. Rose: And also that there are disturbing connections between American agents in Guatemala and the activities of what can be called nothing more than killer squads. [to Nairn:] Yes? Nairn: Yes, correct. Torricelli: There is death squad activity in which the intelligence communities of the United States have been deeply involved. I don't want to get into this debate about the Guatemalan civil war. I only want to say this. That the United States had no role in being this deeply involved in the Guatemalan military, being this involved in these death squad activities, there was no effort to separate ourselves. I think when all is said and done we are going to find that there have been rouge operations in the United States intelligence community outside even the control of the Director of Central Intelligence. Guatemala has been handled as a backwater of the intelligence community of the United States, its own private preserve. Rose: For what objective? Torricelli: I think we're headed for some very startling weeks ahead. Rose: To learn what? I mean, tell me what it is that was at stake here and what is going to be so startling that might be discovered. Give me a preview of what you think is around the corner. Torricelli: I think that there were operations of the intelligence community, of individuals in that community, that were engaged in activities beyond the policies and the scope of the United States government for a variety of purposes, thats as much as I'm going to say, but I think we're in for some startling revelations. Rose: What kinds of activities? Without naming names, what kinds of activities? Torricelli: I think there were a variety of illegal activities taking place. Rose: This is more than giving money to people who are going out killing Americans or spouses of Americans. You're talking about Americans who you believe might have been in some cases involved in commiting the acts themselves? Torricelli: I don't believe that the likes of a Webster or a Gates or a Woolsey, all directors of the Central Intelligence Agency, would be condoning or even knowledgeable of the kinds of activities that we're now hearing about occurred in Guatemala. Rose: I assume you would agree with that Elliot? Abrams: Well I, we'll find out, lets see if they were not aware. Rose: That all this could take place without being reported up the line to the Director. Abrams: If all of this happened and none of them were aware, one has to say: what kind of managers were they? I would urge Bob Torricelli to stick to the facts and to avoid the kind of crackpot theories that we're getting from Mr. Nairn. If you stick to the facts there may be quite enough to get people's attention. Torricelli: Well, I'm trying to stick to Rose: I, I also have to say that Allan Nairn is a distinguished reporter who won the George Polk Award last year. So, I mean, you know, I don't want him characterized on this broadcast as a crackpot. I mean, you can have a personal argument about what he says about you specifically, but, Abrams: Well, Charlie, Charlie, Charlie, when a guy tells me, Rose: Go ahead. Abrams: When a guy tells me that he thinks that the entire American leadership during the Cold War needs to have a Nuremberg trial, he's a crackpot. Rose: OK, I mean, I, I would'nt, point well taken. Nairn: Well, its Mr. Abrams', its Mr. Abrams' right to say whatever he wants, but the facts speak for themselves. And in the case of Guatemala you have this ongoing pattern of murder which has been public record -- the Catholic Church in Guatemala has documented it, all the human rights groups have documented it. And on the public level, not even talking about the covert level, year after year the US has continued to provide all different kinds of aid to the Guatemalan miitary. Right now its the Clinton administration thats talking about a joint maneuver with the Guatemalan army, its the State Department that was licensing these 114 pistol and rifle sales. The idea of a rogue operation is really preposterous when you have this kind of systematic, ongoing program that stretches back over years over both Democratic and Republican administrations. Rose: I've got a couple of one last questions. Robert Torricelli, I think you know this better than anyone else. One, what's happened to Colonel Alpirez? Torricelli: Colonel Alpirez remains in the Guatemalan military. He is claiming that he never received payments from the United States. Rose: He said that to Allan in the phone conversation. Torricelli: He's threatening libel suits. I suggest that he come to the United States, under oath, under the threat of perjury or write to the State Department and ask that his file be released. In fact the question of whether he received payments is not seriously debated in Washington. But Charlie, what I think people should know, though, of real concern about this is, this debate that we're having here may never be settled. As you know, we have had informants now from the National Security Agency that have written to me, communicated with other news media in Washington. Rose: On NSA stationery. Torricelli: On NSA stationery, that files and computer records regarding army and CIA activities in Guatemala this week were being systematically destroyed. So whether or not there was knowledge, whether or not the activities I'm suggesting might have occurred, the fact is we may never know and therefore never learn any lessons about civilian control of the CIA. Rose: Any fear you're out too far on a limb on this? Torricelli: From the day this began I was afraid I was out too far on a limb and every day I wake up to find the limb has moved way out beyond me. This is moving very quickly. But I am aware of the fact that given the sources we may have that the evidence may be destroyed and we may never know. Rose: Robert Torricelli, Congressman, United States, from New Jersey, a Democrat, Allan Nairn from Nation magazine, Elliot Abrams, former Assistant Secretary of State for Latin American affairs in the Reagan administration, thank you very much, pleasure. Last word to you Elliot? Anything you want to add to this, since you're in Washington? Abrams: I would just urge Bob Torricelli again, the facts may be dynamic enough so lets just all stick to the facts and go no further than they take us. Nairn: This is mass murder. This country should not be supporting it. If Americans knew about it, they wouldn't stand for it. Rose: All right, thank you all. --- from list --- ------------------ From owner-seminar-12 Sat Apr 8 04:27:31 1995 Date: Sat, 8 Apr 1995 00:27:31 -0400 (EDT) From: Ryan Fred Long Subject: Forwarded mail.... (fwd) Hey, If you haven't already seen this, I thought this might be interesting for our class. The national security state working for us right here in the heartland? Take care, Ryan ---------- Forwarded message ---------- Date: Fri, 7 Apr 1995 02:04:15 -0400 (EDT) From: Marc Thomas Brudzinski To: Ryan Fred Long Subject: Forwarded mail.... (fwd) Hi Ryan I thought you might be interested in this. marc ---------- Forwarded message ---------- Date: Thu, 6 Apr 1995 18:29:16 -0400 (EDT) From: Kristen E. Finlon To:, Cc: Lynda Cesaro Subject: Forwarded mail.... (fwd) Hi, folks. This came out on Women's Coalition's list - keep forwarding to other schools, if possible. ---------- Forwarded message ---------- Date: Thu, 6 Apr 1995 13:30:10 -0400 (EDT) From: LeAnn Reynolds Levering To: Subject: Forwarded mail.... >Date: 03.10.95 3:30 PM >>> I don't know how much national press this issue is receiving if any. It's >>> talked about a lot here but that may be just because we are in >>> Ohio. The deal is that this past weekend there was a protest in >>> Columbus by Antioc h college students (a peaceful protest mind you) >>> that erupted into police brutality, 9 arrests and the widespread >>> use of teargas and pepper spray on the crowd. They were protesting >>> the proposed financial aid cuts in the Contract with America. >>> Students are being encouraged to write to their representatives >>> about both the Contract with America and this incident which is >>> absolutely outrageous. Please read on. thanks. >>> >>> This is a copy of an informational letter distributed around the Oberlin >>> campus on 2-22. 2/21 Most of this information comes from a telephone >>> conversation with Susan Menair, an Antioch student who was at Saturday's >>> protest. On Saturday, February 18th, a group of approximately 70 Antioch >>> students went to Columbus to protest outside the office of U.S. Rep John >>> Kasich. He is the chairman of the House Budget Committee and was one of the >>> main people in volved in writing Contract with America. The students were >>> there to protest peacefully against the proposed cuts in student financial >>> aid. Things were going fine when the protest began. The police arrived and >>> were not both ering students. At one point some students went up onto a >>> balcony to hang a banner and were told by a security guard that they would >>> be arrested for trespa ssing but nothing happened. After a while more >>> police arrived and they decided to arrest a woman who had been on the >>> balcony for a while and refused to take the banner down. Another student, >>> Jerry, told the police that they had just made a bull shit arrest, they >>> ignored him and he went back into the crowd. A f ew minutes later a cop >>> went into the crowd, grabbed him by his pony tail an d flung him into the >>> street. The police then proceeded to beat him and spray him with pepper >>> spray. He tried to protect himself and was arrested for resisting arrest. >>> At that point four police officers on horse back went into the crowd and >>> began to spray people's eyes with pepper spray. There were a lot of police >>> around by that point. They had been arriving gradually, and when things >>> were quiet they had gone unnoticed. One woman had a lot of pepper spray in >>> her eyes and while a friend was helping her, a cop came up to them to >>> spray them again. Her friend was holding a cup with ice in it an threw it >>> at the police officer and his horse. He was arrested. They took off his >>> shirt and sprayed hi m with tear gas. Another man was trying to walk away >>> from the scene. He told a police officer that he had a bad knee and was >>> going to walk away. When he turned the officer sprayed the back of his head >>> with pepper spray and because he had a shaved head it went into his eyes. >>> The police then started spraying tear gas at the students and moved the >>> group around two blocks up the st reet. The police then decided that they >>> wanted to get one of the students, Jud e, who they felt was an organizer. >>> He tried to run away but around seven officers jumped on him and arrested >>> him. One woman, who was running to get out of the crowd and away from the >>> chaos, brushed arms with a police officer and was arrested for assaulting >>> him. In total nine students were arrested . Jude and Jerry were just >>> released today on their own recognizance. Jude is being charged with >>> inciting a riot and is possibly also being charged with assaulting a police >>> officer. Jerry is being charged with inciting a riot and resisting arrest. >>> >>> received 2-21 >>> The following is an account from a friend of mine about what happened at a >>> protest in Columbus Ohio. Student Aid Action from Antioch was there and a >>> lot of bad shit went down. The man is clamping down. -tex >>> >>)))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) >>> >>> Hi there. I don't know if anyone has told you about the protesting >>> Columbus yesterday for student aid. We were demonstrating peacefully >>> outside rep r. Kasich's office in the afternoon. Some kids had gone upon >>> to a balcony/terrace and hung a banner off the federal building, a security >>> guard had warned them not to , that they would be trespassing. The cops >>> arrived gradually at first, told us not to go in the street to give flyers >>> to the drivers. We complied, things were chill. More and more cops showed >>> up though. Pretty soon there were two paddy wagons and 3 cops on horses. >>> Then there was an arrest on the balcony, Renee had refused to take down the >>> banner or something. I was watching the cops lead her away when someone >>> started screaming terribly. I ran to the corner (I was about half way down >>> the block). I thought maybe one of the horses had gotten out of control >>> and stepped on someone. What I saw was Jerry in a circle of cops on horses, >>> with his shirt off getting beat and sprayed with pepper spray. Everyone >>> was screaming, and cops were indiscriminately spraying people in the eyes >>> with pepper. I saw Matthew Arnold go out with a sign in front of his eyes >>> to try and help Jerry and a cop on horseback circled around behind him and >>> sprayed pepper in his eyes. Peter Bradley went out to try and help Jerry, >>> a cop on horseback backhanded hi m. I was so angry. I looked around for >>> something to throw, finding nothing I ran to the side of the corner to >>> shout at a cop something like "you fucking bastards, leave us alone, and >>> rich, poor, black, white, education is our right." Standing about 14 inches >>> from some cop who was holding the crowd back, yelling at him, I saw one cop >>> run up with about four large canisters and hand on e to the cop closest to >>> me. I realized they were going to spray the crowd with this shit (tear gas >>> as it turned out). [I] yelled that they were going to do this and ran to >>> the back of the crowd. At the back Dave McClusker and Jude Demers were >>> crying and screaming because some cops had maced them. So was Art >>> Friedrick. I ran across the street to Kinko's to get water for these >>> people's eyes. The air stung like hell cause of the teargas, and somehow I >>> caught a little spray on my face, but I was wearing sunglasses luckily. >>> They started trying to clear us out after that and Mathew Arnold, Wyatt, >>> Platt, and I jumped into Platt's car. We motored around the block and met >>> up with the police herding people up the street. Someho another nasty scene >>> broke out and they started macing people again. I saw seven cops jump on >>> someone. Dana was running away from some cops, and they jumped on her and >>> arrested her for no reason. Three of them piled on to her and wrenc hed >>> her arms behind her back. After that Elliott ran up and got in the car, >>> and things basically calmed down. We went back to the site and picked up >>> the stuff that had been abandoned , and found other people. 9 people were >>> arrested, Gerry, Jude (who are still being held because they have been >>> charged with felonies), Clare Mills (ostensibly arrested for crossing the >>> street), Tim Benedict (who was held by the cops and sprayed in the face >>> with tear gas), Dana, Xiamara, Aurora Grey, Renee, a nd Josh Steiner. The >>> faculty is helping us out, telling us about tactics, helping us to file a >>> class action suit against the police. Bail money is tricky, they may ask >>> for thousands of dollars to get Gerry out of jail. He is being kept in >>> isolation. I'm so angry. >> >>------------------------------- End Forwarded------------------------------- >>Well, welcome to the new "Contracted America" I'm so glad people voted >>for a change. >> forward this like crazy. >>------------------------------- End Forwarded------------------------------- >>The problem isn't the Contract with America; police brutality was around >>during the Democrat's reign, too. The problem has to do with a government >>that tries to take care of everything and citizens who can't decide whether >>or not they like it that way. If you want your welfare, your health care, >>and your financial aid, remember this: If the government takes care of you >>like a parent, it will also tell you when to go to bed and give you a >>spanking if you don't obey. I think that what happened was wrong, but we >>can't just blame it on the Republicans. Blame it on ourselves. >> >>Keep forwarding the message. --- from list --- ------------------ From owner-seminar-12 Sun Apr 9 03:54:57 1995 Date: Sat, 8 Apr 1995 23:54:57 -0400 (EDT) From: Jon Beasley-Murray Subject: LAT Ed: SHUT SCHOOL OF THE AMERICAS, Apr.6 (fwd) ---------- Forwarded message ---------- Date: Sat, 8 Apr 95 17:53:33 CDT From: Harry M. Cleaver To: Jon Beasley-Murray Subject: LAT Ed: SHUT SCHOOL OF THE AMERICAS, Apr.6 This posting has been forwarded to you as a service of the Austin Comite de Solidaridad con Chiapas y Mexico. ---------- Forwarded message ---------- Date: Fri, 7 Apr 1995 09:05:56 -0500 From: MARY ANN BELL To: Multiple recipients of list Subject: SCHOOL OF THE AMERICAS THE FOLLOWING EDITORIAL APPEARED IN THE L. A. TIMES ON APRIL 3, 1995 AND NEW YORK NEWSDAY ON APRIL 6, 1995. It is was written by Frank del Olmo, deputy editor of the editorial pages of the Los Angeles Times. IT'S TIME TO SHUT OUR SCHOOL FOR LATIN KILLERS The Central Intelligence Agency is getting most of the heat for the latest human-rights outrage to emerge from the ugly little wars that continue to plague Central America. It should, since one of the spy agency's Guatemalan "assets" has been implicated in the brutal murders of a U.S. citizen and the Guatemalan husband of another U.S. citizen. But the CIA is not the only culpit. A little known Pentagon operation that trains Latin American military officers also has blood on its hands in this latest tragedy. It's La Escuela de las Americas, the School of the Americas. And despite a highfalutin' name and idealistic-sounding mission -- which supposedly includes teaching respect for civilian authority and human rights--it should finally get a hard, critical look in Congress. Rep. Robert Torricelli (D-NJ), the House Intelligence Committee member who disclosed the CIA's Guatemalan scandal, says a CIA "asset" named Col. Julio Roberto Alpirez is responsible for the June 1990 killing of Michael DeVine, who ran a tourist hostel in northern Guatemala. DeVine apparently stumbled onto a smuggling operation at a nearby army base under Alpirez's command. Alpirez also has been linked to the 1992 death of Efrain Bamaca Velasquez, a leftist guerrilla married to an American, Jennifer Harbury. Of course, Bamaca -- however awful his death -- could be written off as a casualy of Guatemala's long civil war, which most experts date from 1954, when a CIA-inspired coup overthrew a leftist president, Jacobo Arbenz. But Bamaca's widow, a Harvard Law School graduate, wanted answers. She took her husband's case to Washington, where it eventually caught the attention of Torricelli, and Rep. Joseph Kennedy (D-Mass) who for two years has tried to eliminate Pentagon funding for the the Ft. Benning, Ga. school. The elite military training center offers courses in U.S. weaponry, tactics and related skills to Latin American officers and cadets chosen for their career potential. It was established in the Panama Canal Zone in 1946 and moved to Fort Benning, Ga. in 1984. Its stated mission is to foster military professionalism and cooperation among the American republics. But the school also had a role in keeping the communist threat at bay during the Cold War. The notorious Col. Alpirez not only had close ties with the CIA; he also attended the School of the Americas, in 1970 and 1989. As such, he is on a list of alumni whose reputations are dubious. Among the most notable: Gen. Raoul Cedras, the Haitian coup leader who was ousted last year by U.S. forces; Gen. Hugo Banzer, dictator of Bolivia from 1971-78; Gen. Manuel Noriega, the Panamanian dictator now imprisoned is this country for drug trafficking; Col. Roberto D'Aubuisson, the death-squad leader in El Salvador who ordered the 1980 assassination of Archbishop Oscar Romero. Other Salvadoran alumni include three of the soldiers who raped and murdered four U.S. nuns in 1980, 19 soldiers who took part in the 1989 murder of six sJesuits and 10 of the 12 officers implicated in the 1981 massacre of 900 peasants at El Mozote. Alumni of the school also have taken part in military coups in Peru, Ecuador, and Argentina. In fact, it is hard to think of a coup or human-rightrs outrage that has occurred in Latin America in the past 40 years in which alumni of the School of the Americas were NOT INVOLVED. Pentagon and State Department spokemen have told me that the school serves a useful purpose. After all, 50,000 Latin American soldiers have attended over the years, and not all of them took part in coups or massacres. But the Cold War is over; it's time to rethink the School of the Americas. Kennedy estimates that the Pentagon is spending $18.4 million on the school this fiscal year, and he intends to introduce an amendment to delete that funding from the next Pentagon budget. Two similar amendments failed in 1993 and 1994. Perhaps with this latest human-rights scandal in Guatemala, and a Republican-controlled Congress looking for ways to save money, Kennedy's effort may finally succeed. Here's hoping it does. --- from list --- ------------------ From owner-seminar-12 Sun Apr 9 16:26:59 1995 Date: Sun, 9 Apr 1995 12:26:59 -0400 (EDT) From: Jon Beasley-Murray Subject: Articles on Salvador (death squads etc.) ---------- Forwarded message ---------- Date: Sun, 9 Apr 1995 00:03:20 -0400 From: Automatic digest processor To: Recipients of CENTAM-L digests Subject: CENTAM-L Digest - 7 Apr 1995 to 8 Apr 1995 [snip] ------------------------------ Date: Sat, 8 Apr 1995 18:34:08 PDT From: Jorge A Munoz Subject: ES Archive ``Ignacio Ellacuria and Martin-Baro are now dead...We will continue killing Communists. We are the First Brigade'' --"Threat issued through a bullhorn from a car driving past the offices of the Roman Catholic Archdiocese [the day following the murder of the Jesuits, cook, and her daughter]" --New York Times - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - --> [Send the 1-line message GET JOYA BACKGRND ACTIV-L to ] [LISTSERV@UMCVMB.BITNET for a copy of this file. ] --> [Send GET ACTIV-L ARCHIVE ACTIV-L to above address for a ] [listing with brief descriptions of other files available] - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - ################################################################## Blood Money -- Assassin says he slit throats while U.S. wrote checks ------------------------------------------------------------------ [In These Times, Nov 15-21,'89;info on 1st Brigade dating to 11/1/89] ################################################################## WASHINGTON, D.C. -- Outraged by the October 31 bombing of a union office that killed 10 people, Salvadoran labor leaders and the leftist Farabundo Marti National Liberation Front (FMLN) immediately blamed the armed forces and the right-wing government of President Alfredo Cristiani. Those allegations were bolstered the next day in Washington by a Salvadoran army deserter who told journalists that the San Carlos army barracks in San Salvador housed a special unit of military hit men. Cesar Vielman Joya Martinez, 28, says he was a member of the First Infantry Brigade's intelligence unit. He was initially in charge of capturing suspected leftist subversives and gathering information from informants. Later he was promoted to a special hit squad within the intelligence unit that executed prisoners after they had been interrogated. He says his job was to kill prisoners, mask the army's involvement in the murders and then dispose of the bodies. "My job was only to kill," he says, claiming that the murders were conducted on the written order of the First Infantry Brigade commander, Col. Francisco Elena Fuentes. Joya Martinez says he participated in eight of the more than 70 death-squad executions that the First Brigade conducted during the first seven months in 1989. He usually strangled his victims, slit their throats, or injected them with poison. The hit squad was under strict orders not to kill with fire-arms, because the bullets might be traced back to the military. `Have you rever seen the look on the face of someone as you cut their throat?' he asks. `I know I cannot bring back the dead, but I can stop [the death squads] from continuing to operate the same way.' Joya Martinez claims he was forced to flee El Salvador after a failed operation publicly linked the First Brigade to the death squads. His superiors were, he says, setting him up to be the fall guy so they could murder him and provide deniability for the bungled operation. He also says the hit squad operated with the tacit support of two U.S. military officers who helped finance the group's activities, and worked in the intelligence unit's headquarters. He says the U.S. officers helped finance the group's activities by writing checks for its operating expenses. Although the U.S. officers were briefed on the unit's activities, they were not given reports on the executions, Joya Martinez says, adding that the Americans appeared unwilling to know about the operations they were funding. `We provided them with copies of all the reports from our agents on clandestine captures, interrogations, the results of interrogations, other operations, but we did not provide them with reports on the executions. They did not want to hear of the actual killings.' According to Joya Martinez, when the death squad's civilian vehicles began to draw attention inside the intelligence unit's restricted compound, the U.S. officers agreed to rent a safe house for the assassination unit. But, he adds, the U.S. advisors did not want to know how it would be used. `I do not believe the American advisers could not have known what we were doing,' he says. `They funded everything we did.' [...] [From In These Times, Nov. 15-21, p.4, by David Bates] ################################################################## Amnesty International report: So-called "death squads" actually run by Salvadoran army/gov't; target civilians; students, human rights workers, trade unionists, church members, etc. --> [Use GET command (see top of this file for format) with ] --> [AI_REPT ELSALV ; see also: JOYA MARTINEZ for a followup ] [article; U.S. tries to deport Martinez back to El Salvador. ] Other files of interest include: GRNBERET TORTURE Two accounts of US 'aid' to El Salvador DEATHSQD ES_US ES Death Squads: a pattern of US complicity BEHIND DEATHSQD Behind The Death Squads in ES HRCOMM ELSALV A. Cockburn on the Salv. Hum. Rights Commission BRENDA HUBBARD police terrorize COMADRES(mthrs of pol prisoners) ================================= To get a file named FILE NAME from the archiver (all file names are two words separated by a space), one sends the 1-line message GET FILE NAME ACTIV-L to: LISTSERV@UMCVMB.BITNET ================================= ############################################################### # Harel Barzilai for Activists Mailing List (AML) # ################################################################ { For more info about ACTIV-L or PeaceNet's brochure send } { inquiries to / mathrich@umcvmb.bitnet } To join AML, just send the 1-line message "SUB ACTIV-L " to: LISTSERV@UMCVMB.BITNET; you should receive a confirmation message within 2 days. Alternate address: LISTSERV@UMCVMB.MISSOURI.EDU Qs/problems: Rich Winkel, MATHRICH@UMCVMB.["MISSOURI.EDU" or "BITNET"] ------------------------------ End of CENTAM-L Digest - 7 Apr 1995 to 8 Apr 1995 ************************************************* --- from list --- ------------------ From owner-seminar-12 Mon Apr 10 23:30:50 1995 Date: Mon, 10 Apr 1995 19:30:50 -0400 (EDT) From: Jon Beasley-Murray Subject: Mexpaz: Govt.Siliences Peasant Radio, Apr.7 (Spanish) (fwd) More on (rebel?) radios. Jon Jon Beasley-Murray Literature Program Duke University ---------- Forwarded message ---------- Date: Mon, 10 Apr 95 15:40:40 CDT From: Harry M. Cleaver To: Jon Beasley-Murray Subject: Mexpaz: Govt.Siliences Peasant Radio, Apr.7 (Spanish) This posting has been forwarded to you as a service of the Austin Comite de Solidaridad con Chiapas y Mexico. ---------- Forwarded message ---------- Date: Mon, 10 Apr 95 10:36:50 mdt From: list PAZ EN MEXICO >From Mon Apr 10 10:35:52 1995 Received: by (15.11/16.2) id AA09734; Mon, 10 Apr 95 10:35:42 mdt Date: Mon, 10 Apr 95 10:35:42 mdt From: juan sweeney Return-Path: To: Subject: solidarity BOLETIN DE PRENSA Huayacocotla, Ver. 7 de Abril de 1995 ARBITRARIA SUSPENSION DE LAS TRASMISIONES DE RADIO HUAYACOCOTLA POR LA SECRETARIA DE COMUNICACIONES Y TRANSPORTES. La Secretari'a de Comunicaciones y Transportes (SCT) a trave's de sus te'cnicos enviados ordeno' la suspensio'n de las transmisiones de Radio Huayacocotla, la Voz de los Campesinos. Llegaron los comisionados Santos Cervantes y Fernando Velazco el jueves 23 de Marzo a las diez de la man~ana, sin previo aviso. Su nerviosismo agresivo era patente. Dijeron que iban a realizar una revisio'n te'cnica de la Radio por o'rdenes de la Delegacio'n de la SCT en Xalapa. Los locutores en turno les objetaron que el Director de la Radio estaba ausente. Los enviados de la SCT insistieron en revisar las instalaciones, durante dos horas, advirtiendo que levantari'an un acta sen~alando la negativa y eso acarreari'a sanciones por parte de la Secretari'a. Se les pidio' su oficio de comisio'n, pero los te'cnicos respondieron con evasivas, prometiendo mostrarlo en cuanto le sacaran copia. Los locutores finalmente accedieron a permitir la revisio'n. Despue's de tres horas los enviados de la SCT redactaron su acta. En ella consignaron fallas exageradas en la antena y el transmisor, advirtiendo que representaban peligro de muerte para los operadores. Sen~alaron que no existi'an aparatos de medicio'n como osciloscopio, generador de audiofrecuencia, multi'metro y watto'metro. Los aparatos se tienen pero los locutores no los conocen. So'lo el te'cnico de la radio los podi'a mostrar. El acta sen~ala que las trasmisiones debi'an suspenderse de inmediato. De palabra, so'lo concedieron el tiempo indispensable para avisar al auditorio de la suspensio'n. Finalmente, los enviados de SCT mostraron el oficio de comisio'n. Aparecio' entonces por que' lo habi'an escamoteado. El oficio, en te'rminos ominosos sen~ala: <> y <>. En esa forma arbitraria y tajante quedo' suspendida la actividad de una institucio'n educativa, como si se tratara' de un antro ilegal. Obviamente la suspensio'n de la trasmisiones de Radio Huayacocotla no se debe a razones te'cnicas. Desde el mes de febrero del an~o pasado, el Subsecretario de Gobierno de Veracruz habi'a llamado a Xalapa al Director de la Radio para que aclarara las acusaciones que habi'a en contra de Radio Huaya por transmitir <> y avalar la violencia. El 23 de Marzo de nuevo el Director fue llamado a entrevista con el Procurador General de Justicia, Diego Valadez. El punto principal que se trato' fue aclarar las mismas acusaciones. Por supuesto que los <> consisti'an en las trasmisiones en las lenguas nahua, otomi' y tepehua. Durante los u'ltimos meses se habi'an intensificado las llamadas por tele'fono de la Direccio'n de Radio y Televisio'n, dependiente de Gobernacio'n, siempre con las mismas preguntas: ?Quie'n es el Director de la Radio?, ?En que' frecuencia trasmiten?, ?Cua'l es el horario de trasmisio'n?. Hubo de negarse la informacio'n cuando de una dependencia de Salubridad, sin dar razo'n, pidieron los nombres de los locutores, su edad, sus estudios... En el plazo de diez di'as que concedieron los enviados de la SCT para inconformarse con la suspensio'n, supuestamente de acuerdo con el Arti'culo 14 de la Constitucio'n, los te'cnicos que dan servicio a la Radio efectuaron su propia revisio'n. Claramente aparecio' que las fallas detectadas de ninguna manera poni'an en peligro a los locutores, que los desperfectos de la antena son de los que se pueden reparar en pocos di'as. Se comprobo' que el tono del oficio de comisio'n es totalmente inusual y agresivo. En anteriores revisiones se concedi'a un plazo para el arreglo de las fallas, sin suspender la trasmisio'n. Por otra parte, la mayori'a de las radiodifusoras padecen de fallas menores, ni cada una tiene los aparatos de medicio'n exigidos. En el caso de Radio Huaya no es posible siempre hacer reparaciones de inmediato, debido a la lejani'a y a la falta de te'cnicos a la mano. Obviamente, la definicio'n de la Radio en favor de los campesinos e indi'genas ha tenido tambie'n como respuesta la animadversio'n de los propios caciques de la zona, acostumbrados a dominar y manipular a los pueblos, especialmente a los indios. En Sierra de Huayacocotla el poder municipal se trasmite desde hace de'cadas entre familias que siempre han tratado de controlar a los indi'genas. Las oficinas administrativas locales tambie'n esta'n plagadas por miembros de estos grupos caciquiles. Asi', los Butro'n y los Solis en Huayacocotla, los Rami'rez Avile's en Ilamatla'n, los Villegas en Zontecomatla'n, los Ri'os y los Ricardi en Tlachichilco, los Herna'ndez en Zacualpan. Aunque nunca han ejecutado un acto fi'sicamente violento contra la Radio, se convierten en informantes que continuamente <> a la Radio ante autoridades superiores, sin reparar en chismes ni calumnias. Con todo, los campesinos e indi'genas prefieren, en cuanto pueden, a Radio Huaya, que trasmite con 500 watts. La razo'n es obvia, Radio Huaya es su radio y forma parte de la vida de la zona. Alli' se escucha la mu'sica programada con <> enviadas por correos de pi'es ma'gicos que cruzan la sierra y dejan los mensajes en el buzo'n de la radio, con ocasio'n del di'a del plaza o de un asunto en la oficina de la SARH. Alli' el micro'fono se abre a los versos, los cuentos ideados en las can~adas, los mensajes al ti'o de Zacualpan, las noticias de la comunidad y de la organizacio'n enviadas por los corresponsales populares, los avisos del DIF local, tambie'n a la informacio'n alternativa y a las opiniones sobre el caciquismo y la violencia contra indi'genas. En los u'ltimos an~os la atencio'n de Radio Huaya se ha concentrado en la zona especi'ficamente indi'gena, capacitando corresponsales otomi'es, nahuas y tepehuas y acompan~a'ndolos en la difi'cil problema'tica de deterioro social y represio'n por parte de los caciques terratenientes, que en los u'ltimos tiempos se ha hecho ma's patente; ayudando a revalorar la cultura de los pueblos, difundiendo sus logros y luchas, abriendo los micro'fonos a la voz de las tres lenguas auto'ctonas, en estas orillas del pai's. Radio Huayacocotla pertenece a la Asociacio'n Latinoamericana de Educacio'n Radiofo'nica (ALER), que es miembro de la UNESCO y a la Asociacio'n Mundial de Radios Comunitarias. Durante ma's de veinte an~os ha intercambiado experiencias y capacitacio'n con otras radios educativas del continente. Recibe y trasmite el Noticiero Indi'gena y las Radionovelas del INI y Radio Educacio'n respectivamente. Es una de las pocas radios del pai's conducida por una asociacio'n de la Sociedad Civil. Es pu'blico que la casi totalidad de las frecuencias en Me'xico esta'n concesionadas a la radio comercial, en manos de consorcios poderosos. La arbitraria suspensio'n de las actividades de Radio Huayacocotla por parte de la Secretari'a de Comunicaciones es un golpe a la libertad de expresio'n y una contradiccio'n con los postulados del Arti'culo Cuarto Constitucional de promover la cultura plurie'tnica de nuestro pai's. Por el contrario, se arrebata la voz a los indi'genas y se apoya la impunidad de los caciques. Revela, adema's la falta de disposicio'n a democratizar el esquema de la comunicacio'n social y de la educacio'n, manteniendo una actitud policiaca, en lugar de promover y facilitar las iniciativas populares. Alfredo Zepeda Radio Huayacocotla Huayacocotla, Ver. Tel: (775) 80067 Post data: La Radio es parte de un proyecto en la Sierra Huayacocotla llevado a cabo por la Compan~i'a de Jesu's (los jesuitas). El 27 de marzo, el Provincial de los jesuitas pidio' una entrevista con la Secretari'a de Gobernacio'n y no hay respuesta alguna hasta la fecha. Por lo anterior, solicitamos de ustedes que envi'en acciones urgentes dirigidas a: Lic. Esteban Moctezuma, Secretario de Gobernacio'n Secretari'a de Gobernacio'n Bucareli Me'xico, D.F, Fax +[52 5] 592 0584, 546 7388 Lic. Patricio Chirinos Calero, Gobernador del Estado de Veracruz Palacio de Gobierno, Xalapa, Ver. Me'xico. Fax +[52 28] 17 7503, 17 0176, 17 3281 Lic. Carlos Ruiz Sacrista'n. Secretario de Comunicaciones y Transportes Me'xico, D.F. Fax +[52 5] 519 0692 Sugerimos el siguiente texto: La orden de suspender las transmisiones de la estacio'n XEJN-OC, Radio Huayacocotla, es un atentado en contra de la libertad de expresio'n, especialmente del derecho de los pueblos indios de tener informacio'n veraz a su alcance y del derecho de participar en la formacio'n de la opinio'n pu'blica de sus comunidades. A pesar de las limitaciones te'cnicas que tenga esta Radio, el modo de proceder en la suspensio'n de las transmisiones implica una violacio'n a los derechos humanos, dado que el oficio de comisio'n ya supone que la Radio es infractor y la amenaza con fuerza militar, y ya que se ejecuta una sancio'n, antes de dar el derecho a la defensa. Solicitamos de usted: - Su intervencio'n para que se cancele la orden de suspensio'n de las transmisiones de Radio Huayacocotla. - Se den las facilidades necesarias para que esta estacio'n pueda operar en una frecuencia de la banda de Amplitud Modulada. --- from list --- ------------------ From owner-seminar-12 Tue Apr 11 03:11:29 1995 Date: Mon, 10 Apr 1995 23:11:29 -0400 (EDT) From: Jon Beasley-Murray Subject: Mexpaz: Govt. Silences Peasant Radio, Apr.7 (English) (fwd) And the same in English... Jon Jon Beasley-Murray Literature Program Duke University ---------- Forwarded message ---------- Date: Mon, 10 Apr 95 21:09:06 CDT From: Harry M. Cleaver To: Jon Beasley-Murray Subject: Mexpaz: Govt. Silences Peasant Radio, Apr.7 (English) This posting has been forwarded to you as a service of the Austin Comite de Solidaridad con Chiapas y Mexico. ---------- Forwarded message ---------- Date: Mon, 10 Apr 95 13:06:25 mdt From: list PAZ EN MEXICO >From Mon Apr 10 13:05:54 1995 Received: by (15.11/16.2) id AA10081; Mon, 10 Apr 95 13:05:44 mdt Date: Mon, 10 Apr 95 13:05:44 mdt From: juan sweeney Return-Path: To: Subject: solidarity PRESS RELEASE Huayacocotla, Veracruz, Mexico 7th of April, 1995 ARBITRARY SUSPENSION OF TRANSMISSION OF RADIO HUAYACOCOTLA BY THE SECRETARIAT FOR COMMUNICATIONS AND TRANSPORT The Secretariat for Communications and Transport (SCT), through its technicians, ordered the suspension of transmission of Radio Huayacocotla, "The Voice of the Campesino". Commissioners Santos Cervantes and Fernando Velazco arrived at the Radio on Thursday, 23 of March at 10:00 am without any forewarning. They were obviously nervous and aggressive. They said that they were going to carry out a technical inspection of the Radio Station by order of the Office of the SCT in Xalapa (State Capital of Veracruz). The radio announcers, in their turn, objected since the Director of the Station was not present. The SCT technicians continued to insist for a period of two hours on inspecting the installation, threatening the announcers that they would begin a legal process accusing them of failing to co-operate and that that would, in its turn, mean sanctions being applied to the Station by the SCT. The announcers asked to see their letter of commission but the technicians answered evasively, promising to show it once they had photocopied it. The announcers finally allowed them to carry out the inspection. After three hours, the SCT technicians produced their report of the inspection. In it, they attributed exaggerated faults in the antenna and transmitter (for example, that the antenna was not properly painted, that it had one restraining cable too many, that there was a spare backup transmitter on the premises) and warned that these failures represented a danger to life and limb of the operators. They also reported that there was no evidence of some measuring instruments like an oscilliscope, audio frequency generator, a multimeter, and a wattometer. The Radio Station does possess these instruments, a fact not known to the announcers, since they are kept locked apart by the Station technician. The report made out by the SCT technicians says that the radio transmission must be suspended immediately. Verbally, they said that they would only give sufficient time to inform the listening public of its suspension. Finally, the SCT technicians showed their letter of commission. It then became obvious why they had attempted to hide it. The letter, in ominous terms says: "in the possibility that the Station is operating with infringements of the current technical regulations, its transmissions will be suspended" and "once having carried out your commission and those infringing the regulation present open opposition and rebellion, you are recommended to seek the help of the nearest Civil or Military authorities and, if this fails (sic), seek help from the Officer of District Attorney's Office of that District." In this arbitrary abrupt manner, the activity of an educational institution was suspended as if it was a some legal "cause celebre". Obviously, the suspension of transimission of Radio Huayacocotla is not due to technical reasons. In February of last year, the Under-Secretary for the Interior of the State Government of Veracruz summoned the Director of the Radio to Xalapa in order to respond to accusations being made against Radio Huayacocotla for transmitting "coded messages" and for promoting violence. On the 23rd of March of the same year, the Director was summoned to a meeting with the Minister of Justice, Diego Valadez. The main point of the meeting was to clarify these same accusations. Of course, the so-called "coded messages" consisted of transmissions in the indigenous languages of the campesinos: nahua, otomie and tepehua. Over the last few months, there has been an intensification of 'phone calls from the office of the Director of Radio and Television, a part of the Interior Ministry, always asking the same questions: Who is the Director of the Station? On what frequency does it transmit? What are its hours of transmission? We finally denied to give information once the questions began to come from the Health Department trying to find out, without providing a reason, things like, the names of the announcers, their age, their studies, etc. During the 10 days that were allowed by the technicians from the SCT to protest the suspension, supposedly in accordance with Article 14 of the Constitution, the technicians who service the Radio carried out their own inspection. It was obvious that the failures detected by the SCT were in no way dangerous to the operators of the Radio and that the imperfections of the antenna were such that could be repaired in a few days. They confirmed that the tone of the letter of commission was totally unusual and aggressive. In earlier inspections, a time span of 60 days has been allowed in order to rectify failures without suspending transmission. Again, the majority of radio stations suffer minor technical failures, and not one of them has the measuring instruments that are demanded by the regulation. In Radio Huaycocotla's case, it is not always possible to carry out repairs immediately owing to its remoteness and the shortage of adequate technicians close at hand. Obviously, the identity of the Station as one in favor of the campesinos and indigenous inhabitants of the region has provoked reactions by the local political bosses who are used to being able to dominate and manipulate the surrounding villages, especially the indians. In the Huayacocotla Mountain Range, the power in the local municipalities (like counties) has, for decades, been passed down from generation to generation in the same families and has always been employed to control the indigenous people. The local administrative offices are infested with personnel from these groups of political bosses. For example, in Huayacocotla itself, there are the Butros and the Solis families, in Ilamatlan, the Ramirez Aviles family, in Zontecomatlan, the Villegas family, in Tlachichilco, the Rios and the Ricardi families, and in Zacualpan, the Hernandez family. Even though they have never acted violently against the radio station physically, they have appointed themselves as "informants" who continually "accuse" the Station to the authorities without having to worry about "rumour mongering" or calumny. With all this, the campesinos and the indigenous people prefer to listen to Radio Huaya when they can even though it can only transmit at 500 watts. And the reason is clear: Radio Huaya is THEIR radio and forms a part of the life of the region. There they can listen to music interspersed by messages of thanks that are sent by the "magic feet" mail that crosses the Sierra and leaves them under the door of the Station on the occasion of Market Day or some business to do with the Water and Irrigation Department. It is there that the microphones are made available to the verses and the stories that are thought up in the canyons, to the message to the uncle in Zacualpan, to the news from the community and the organization sent by the local correspondents, to the announcements made by the local office of the Department for Integral Development of the Family, and also to alternative information and opinions on the political bosses and the violence against the indigenous people. In the last few years, the focus of Radio Huaya has been concentrated on the specifically indigenous region, training correspondents from the three indigenous nations of the region: nahua, otomie and tepehua. It has attempted to accompany them in the difficult problematic of the decay of society and the repression on the part of the local political bosses and landlords which, in these years has become much more blatant. It has helped them to re-evaluate their cultures by spreading the news about achievements and struggles, making the microphones available to the voice of these three native languages in this forgotten mountainous corner of Mexico. Radio Huayacocotla belongs to the Latin-american Association for Radio Education (ALER), that is, in turn, a member of UNESCO and the World Association for Community Radio. For more than 20 years, it has engaged in interchange programs to share experiences and training with other educational radios stations in the continent. It receives and transmits the "Indigenous News Service" and the stories for Radio produced by INI (National Indigenous Institute) and "Radio Education" respectively. It is one of the few radios stations in Mexico that is run by an association of Civil Society (NGO). It is common knowledge that almost all the Radio Licenses in Mexico are for Commercial Radio and are held by powerful business groups. The arbitrary suspension of activity of Radio Huayacocotla by the Secretariat for Communications and Transport is a blow against the freedom of expression and a contradiction of the codices of Article 4 of the Mexican Constitution which deal with the promotion of a pluri-ethnic culture in our country. On the contrary, what happens is that the indigenous voice is shouted down and the impunity of the political bosses is aided and abetted. It reveals, not only the lack of will to democratize the whole apparatus of social communication and education, but also maintains a police-like attitude instead of promoting and helping initiatives from the people. Alfredo Zepeda, Radio Huayacocotla, Huayacocotla, Veracruz, Mexico. Telephone: +[52 775] 8 0067 PS. Radio Huaya is part of a project in the Huayacocotla Mountains carried out by the Society of Jesus (the Jesuits). On the 27th of March, 1995, the Provincial of the Jesuits, Jose Morales, asked for an interview with the Department of the Interior to discuss the closure of the Radio. He has yet to receive an answer. PPS. The station's current license has permitted it to broadcast only in a little used Short Wave band (2390 Khz). Although it has applied for a license in the AM band (between 500 and 1600 Khz, an application which dates from 1978), and the SCT has said that it would be possible for it to transmit at 1350 Khz with the sign XEHAY, it also said that the license would need the permission from the Department of the Interior which has never been granted and no reason has ever been given for the refusal. The papers are at present filed away in some clerk's cabinet in the SCT. We would like to ask you, therefore, to send protests to: Lic. Esteban Moctezuma, Secretario de Gobernacion Secretaria de Gobernacion Bucareli Mexico, D.F, Fax +[52 5] 592 0584, 546 7388 Lic. Patricio Chirinos Calero, Gobernador del Estado de Veracruz Palacio de Gobierno, Xalapa, Ver. Mexico. Fax +[52 28] 17 7503, 17 0176, 17 3281 Lic. Carlos Ruiz Sacristan. Secretario de Comunicaciones y Transportes Mexico, D.F. Fax +[52 5] 519 0692 We suggest the following text as a guide: The order to suspend the transmissions of the Radio Station, XEJN-OC, Radio Huayacocotla, is an attempt against the freedom of expression, especially against the rights of the indigenous peoples to have access to reliable information, and against their right to participate in the formation of public opinion in their communities. Despite whatever the technical limitations of this Radio may be, the manner in which the suspension of transmissions was carried out implies a violation of human rights, given that the letter of commission already presupposes that the Radio is guilty of infractions against the regulations and threatens it with military force and that the sanction was imposed without giving practical right to self-defense. We therefore ask you that: - you intervene in order to cancel the suspension order of Radio Huayacocotla. - the necessary steps be taken to allow the station to operate in an AM frequency instead of Short Wave. --- from list --- ------------------ From owner-seminar-12 Wed Apr 12 18:58:29 1995 Date: Wed, 12 Apr 1995 14:58:29 -0400 (EDT) From: Christian Hernandez Subject: Central American Forum--what time? Ok Boys & girls, as Frank and I have told you, we've been working hard to pull off this event. It should not only be interesting but also relevant to our class. The main event will be on Thursday April 20 at 7:00 in the Love auditorium of the Levine Research Science Center. As far as the meeting of Salvador Samayoa, and Carmen Maria Gallardo de Hernandez (yes, my Mom), please e-mail me ASAP to tell me what is the best timne for you after 2 but before 4:30. We plan on 1.1/2 hours toghether for questions, comments etc...its hould be interesting. Samayoa is an ex-leader of the FMLN and a very bright man and my Mrs. Hernandez was ambassador in Paris for El Salvbador and now leads an NGO called FUNDAPAZ (Salvadorean Peace Foundation). I'll tell you the final time on Monday, so please e-mail me with a response soon. Thanks. Christian --- from list --- ------------------ From owner-seminar-12 Wed Apr 12 21:12:01 1995 Date: Wed, 12 Apr 1995 17:12:01 -0400 (EDT) From: Alberto Moreiras Subject: Re: Central American Forum--what time? Christian, llego hoy el anuncio del forum por correo, que quedo esplendido. Enhorabuena a ti y a Frank. Cualquier hora de las que das me va bien a mi. Salud, Alberto --- from list --- ------------------ From owner-seminar-12 Thu Apr 13 22:47:02 1995 Date: Thu, 13 Apr 1995 18:47:02 -0400 (EDT) From: Michael Ranson Subject: Re: Central American Forum--what time? I guess this is going to Christian, so... hey christian, Best time for me Thursday is 3:30. That's when my class gets out, but this sounds more interesting anyway, so I can skip my class if necessary. --- from list --- ------------------ From owner-seminar-12 Fri Apr 14 00:24:17 1995 Date: Thu, 13 Apr 1995 20:24:17 -0400 (EDT) From: Christian Hernandez Subject: The time for the meeting... Well, after consultation with Alberto and a couple of you guys, we've decided to have the meeting with Mom and Samayoa will be Friday April 21st at 3:30. I'm still working on the place so I'll tell you by Monday. OK? Frank and I need some sleep right now, but apart from that we're very psyched about the forum. I'll see you Monday and hopefully Thursday too. According to Alberto Friday's meeting is mandatory so I know I'll see all of you there. (Just Kidding!) --- from list --- ------------------ From owner-seminar-12 Sat Apr 15 04:55:05 1995 Date: Sat, 15 Apr 1995 00:55:05 -0400 (EDT) From: Michael Ranson Subject: abrams, ft benning, really nothing new Howdy, amigos been reading about the certification process and encountered some of the same old stuff. Just thought I'd add it anyway. The source for this is Americas Watch Second Supplement to the Report on Human Rights in El Salvador, 1/20/83. This has some interesting "anecdotes", if you will, so if anyone wants to take a look ask me on Monday. with regard to Ft Benning: Before a Senate Foreign Relations Committee, the Chief of US Southern Command Lt. Nutting said between 11 and 18% of training focused on human rights. In reality this consisted of 3 two-hour conferences which dealt with human rights tangentially and amounts to about 3% of their training. "This contrasts sharply with the assertion by Asst. Sec. of State for Human Rights, Elliott Abrams, that: "respect for human rights and proper conduct toward the civilian population has been a principal part of our training of Salvadoran military personnel" (as he asserted before the same committee). Now the interesting part: (emphasis added) this from a fort Benning training manual which defines counter-subversion as "that part of counter intelligence aimed at destroying the effectiveness of subversive activity by means of DETECTION, IDENTIFICATION, EXPLOITATION, PENETRATION, MANIPULATION, DECEPTION AND REPRESSION of individuals and organizations that carry out OR ARE CAPABLE of carrying out such activities". And this training was supposed to deter abuses against non-combatants. oh well Onto Abrams: Under certification the government had to prove that El Salvador was gaining control of its security forces. For one certification hearing the principal evidence of this was that 109 officers had been disciplined by the government for human rights abuses. When Americas Watch requested from Abrams information regarding the officers charged he replied "The names of the disciplined individuals and other information have been provided to us on a very confidential and privileged basis by the Salvadoran government, and obviously we are not in a position to divulge that information to private individuals or organizations.... Given our inability to provide you with the names of the individuals, I do not believe that Americas watch would effectively be able to monitor these cases within the Salvadoran judicial system". Am Watch asked two Congressmen to inquire on its behalf. The response they received "made it clear that, far from having obtained information on these cases "on a very confidential and priveledged basis" the State Department had not obtained this information [as to specifics surrounding the accused] at all". The only thing the State Dep't had learned was that only 44 of the cases were for crimes against non-military individuals, the rest were either "crimes against other military members or were minor offenses handled administratively". Not surprisingly, none of the 44 involved in human rights cases has been convicted. So, not only did Abrams lie to Americas Watch, but also to the US Congress with its most important "evidence" that things were improving. But by the time all this came to light el dinero had already been supplied to Salvador. oh well --- from list --- ------------------ From owner-seminar-12 Mon Apr 17 13:21:23 1995 Date: Mon, 17 Apr 1995 09:21:23 -0400 (EDT) From: Tracy Lynne Devine Subject: 15-Apr-95 Kirkwood Fires More Mexican Workers (fwd) ---------- Forwarded message ---------- Date: Mon, 17 Apr 1995 09:13:00 -0400 From: Tracy Lynne Devine To: Subject: 15-Apr-95 Kirkwood Fires More Mexican Workers From: IGC News Desk /* Escrito 1:31 PM Apr 12, 1995 por labornotes en */ /* ---------- "Kirkwood Fires More Mexican Workers" ---------- */ MORE FIRINGS AT KIRKWOOD IN MEXICO * URGENT ACTION NEEDED NOW * Update According to recent reports from the Authentic Labor Front (FAT) in Mexico City, Kirkwood Industries in Mexico City (a U.S. owned auto parts company with headquarters in Cleveland, Ohio) is intent on firing *all its 250 workers* who are fighting for basic worker rights. Kirkwood is calling workers into their office one by one and forcing them to sign papers of resignation, thus relinquishing their right to any severance pay according to Mexican labor law. Today, April 12, 16 workers were brought into the office. 3 signed and 13 refused to sign. In the meantime, Kirkwood has hired 80 workers from COCEM, one of the government-controlled corrupt unions in the plant to intimidate the workers. Workers are attempting to organize an independent union with STIMAHCS, a metalworkers union affiliated with the only independent, democratic labor federation in Mexico, the FAT. Workers are setting up an encampment outside the plant late this afternoon in protest of the firings. PLEASE CALL KIRKWOOD CEO AND PRESIDENT TODAY IN CLEVELAND OR FAX A LETTER OF PROTEST. It only takes a few minutes. Demand that the workers be reinstated and that the firings stop now. Call and ask for Kirkwood President Richard W. Klynn: TEL: 216-267-6200 FAX: 216-362-3804 For more information, contact Robin Alexander, United Electrical, Radio and Machine Workers Union (UE) at 412-471-8919. Thanks for your support! --- from list --- ------------------ From owner-seminar-12 Mon Apr 17 13:22:04 1995 Date: Mon, 17 Apr 1995 09:22:04 -0400 (EDT) From: Tracy Lynne Devine Subject: 15-Apr-95 Jennifer Harbury - urgent request (fwd) ---------- Forwarded message ---------- Date: Mon, 17 Apr 1995 09:13:33 -0400 From: Tracy Lynne Devine To: Subject: 15-Apr-95 Jennifer Harbury - urgent request From: IGC News Desk /* Escrito 6:30 PM Apr 11, 1995 por anthony@Essential.ORG en igc:hr.americas */ /* ---------- "Jennifer Harbury - urgent request" ---------- */ From: Anthony Murawski >From ghrc@igc.apc.orgMon Apr 10 22:46:56 1995 Date: Mon, 10 Apr 1995 17:28:01 -0700 From: Guatemala Human Rights Commission Subject: URGENT REQUEST from Jennifer Harbury URGENT ACTION RE: Possible Sanctions Against Rep. Torricelli for Revealing Truth Action: URGENT PROTEST NEEDED Dear Friends, As you know, on March 22, Rep. Torricelli called me to his office and told me the truth about Everardo. He told me that Everardo had been ordered executed in l992 by Col. Julio Alpirez, that the same Col. Alpirez had also ordered the execution of U.S. citizen Michael Devine, and that Alpirez had for some time been a CIA contact. At the time, I was on the eleventh day of my hunger strike. To be quite honest, I was not as strong as I was last fall and was deteriorating rapidly. I had no intention whatsoever of calling off the strike until something was done, and the State Department and the CIA had no intention of telling me the truth. So it is thanks to Mr. Torricelli that I did not end up in the hospital with serious injuries. It is also thanks to Mr. Torricelli that the American people have been given access to the truth about the way their tax dollars are being spent: on pay offs to torturers and assassins. It has since also been revealed that even after military aid was cut off to Guatemala as a result of their abysmal human rights violations, that the CIA continued to covertly send such aid to the army. You have seen the ensuing uproar on television and in the papers. Now Rep. Torricelli is, not surprisingly, under fire for his courageous actions. Newt Gingrich wants him removed from the Intelligence Committee for revealing secret information. It may well go to the Ethics Committee [officially known as the Committee on Standards of Official Conduct]. Please call or fax the House Ethics Committee. This week will be critical. At stake is our right as the voters and tax payers to know the truth about what is being done by our own government. If crimes are being committed in our name we need to know it. If our money is being illegally spent, we need to know it. Please contact: Rep. Nancy L. Johnson Chair of the House Ethics Committee Phone: (202) 225-4476 Fax: (202) 225-4488 a. State your support for Rep. Torricelli b. State your outrage over any efforts to remove him from intelligence. Explain that the duty to report criminal behavior far outweighs any other duty. c. Stress that the CIA is BOUND to report adequately to Congress. . .and that Congress need not win over their trust by protecting their improper or even criminal conduct. Congress owes the voters more than this. d. State your outrage over CIA and State Department misconduct in this case. THIS NEEDS IMMEDIATE ACTION ABRAZOS. . .JENNIFER Anthony Murawski Essential Information |Internet: --- from list --- ------------------ From owner-seminar-12 Mon Apr 17 13:22:41 1995 Date: Mon, 17 Apr 1995 09:22:41 -0400 (EDT) From: Tracy Lynne Devine Subject: 15-Apr-95 Chiapas Peace Negotiation Update (fwd) ---------- Forwarded message ---------- Date: Mon, 17 Apr 1995 09:13:50 -0400 From: Tracy Lynne Devine To: Subject: 15-Apr-95 Chiapas Peace Negotiation Update From: IGC News Desk /* Escrito 10:56 AM Apr 11, 1995 por globalexch en igc:reg.mexico */ /* ---------- "Chiapas Peace Negotiation Update" ---------- */ From: Global Exchange Update on Peace Negotiations San Cristobal de las Casas, April 9--Firecrackers have been exploding all morning in the sky and I'm wondering if it's another feast day or if it's in celebration of the dialogue agreement signed yesterday in San Miguel. I went to San Miguel Saturday nig ht with about 100 observers. We were asked to be a roadblock around the church where the talks would take place. On Sunday morning, we walked 2 km. from the parking area in the community of Patate to San Miguel to "take our positions". By 8:30 a.m. mos t press (about 100) were waiting at the entrance to the community, but first the convoys of delegates escorted by International Red Cross vehicles entered. The Zapatista delegation consisted of 7 comandantes, all men and indigenous, who came in three dif ferent cars about ten minutes apart from the east. Later, we learned their names in the evening press conference. The two who spoke at the press conference were Comandante Tacho and Comandante Ramon. The federal government delegation consisted of a Mex ican ambassador and two lawyers. All of the CONAI were present. Members of the government pacification team, established by legislation, were present. Led by Bishop Samuel Ruiz, who opened and closed the dialogue and gave some public updates during the day, the CONAI mediated during the very long session. Ruiz alluded to difficulties with language and abstract concepts due to the different cultures and languages of the participants during his mid-day remarks. Father Gonzalo Ituarte appearted to be ve ry key. The Zapatista delegates met in the church building when they were in closed session and Father Gonzalo was always with them. The Mexican government delegates remained in a separate wooden building 20 yds. from the church. The dialogue took plac e in this separate building. It started at 10:00 am and ended at 12 midnight with the signing of the document and a brief press conference. Bishop Ruiz read the document signed by the involved parties. The main points are that the parties agreed to be gin the peace talks on April 20, 1995 in San Andres Larrainza, Chiapas. Most of the points in the document deal with how the parties commit to treating each other: act in good faith, act out of good will and mutual respect, etc. No other details or conditions are mentioned. It struck me as a supremely good faith effort on the part of the EZLN given that the document doesn't require army withdrawal from Chiapas at this point. It does commit the federal government to extend the time within it will not apprehe nd Zapatista suspecs. This seemed to be an important assurance. Comandante Tacho stressed the word "liberty" many times in his remarks at the press conference. He also said that the next delegaon for April 20th will look a little different; there will definitely by a Zapatista woman in their delegation. Report written by Margarte OUShea, representative of Global Exchange in San Cristobal de las Casas, Chiapas. Global Exchange is sponsoring monthly human rights delegations to Chiapas and placing long term volunteers in the region. For more information a bout these opportunities, contact Global Exchange: 2017 Mission St. #303, San Francisco, CA 94110. Phone: 1-800-497-1994; email: --- from list --- ------------------ From owner-seminar-12 Mon Apr 17 19:36:01 1995 Date: Mon, 17 Apr 1995 15:36:01 -0400 (EDT) From: Christian Hernandez Subject: Meeting with Mom Hey guys. Sorry I wasn't in class today but I'm trying to balance exams, classes and the forum (I know, the typical Duke bitching thin!). In any case, the meeting is set up with Samayoa and Mom for Friday at 3:30 in 229 Social Sci. Hope to see you all there !!! Take care. Christian --- from list --- ------------------ From owner-seminar-12 Mon Apr 17 23:32:09 1995 Date: Mon, 17 Apr 1995 19:32:09 -0400 (EDT) From: Jon Beasley-Murray Subject: Videos Available (fwd) For the Latin American Studies video library, at least? Jon Jon Beasley-Murray Literature Program Duke University ---------- Forwarded message ---------- Date: Mon, 17 Apr 95 15:12:19 CDT From: Harry M. Cleaver To: Jon Beasley-Murray Subject: Videos Available This posting has been forwarded to you as a service of the Austin Comite de Solidaridad con Chiapas y Mexico. ---------- Forwarded message ---------- Date: Sun, 16 Apr 1995 17:18:38 -0500 (CDT) From: Leopoldo Rodriguez To: Harry Cleaver Subject: trip and videos Imagenes de Mexico, a non-profit, video distribution network, presents two documentaries on the struggle for liberty and democracy in Mexico. Todos Somos Marcos compiles images from four major protests in Mexico City following the military invasion of the Selva Lacandona in February 1995. Prado Pacayal, recorded in the Zapatista territory of Chiapas on March 2, 1995, shows the destruction wrought by the military on this community. The video presents moving testimony by the inhabitants of Prado Pacayal as they return to find their village ransacked by the Mexican army. Imagenes de Mexico, in conjunction with a network of Mexican independent videographers, will continue to provide documentary videos about the struggles of the indigenous, women, workers, and students in Mexico. Our goal is to produce a regular half-hour video news program for distribution in Mexico and abroad. Videos TODOS SOMOS MARCOS. (20 minutes). Available in VHS or 3/4 inch tape (for TV). Covers 4 protests in Mexico City during February. English narration and English subtitles. PRADO PACAYAL. (26 minutes). Available in VHS or 3/4 (for TV). Testimony and images from the community Prado Pacayal in the Lacandon Jungle. English subtitles. To order, mail this form to: For more information contact Imagenes de Mexico Austin, TX : Leopoldo Rodriguez 4814 Ave G Mexico City: Elliott Young Austin, Texas 78751 (512) 458-4492 or e-mail to ---------------------------------------- Order Form Both videos in one VHS tape ($15.00) $_________ Both videos in one 3/4 " tape ($30.00 ) $_________ Postage: Regular ($3.00 each tape); Overnight ($15.00) $_________ (Checks should be made out to Leopoldo Rodriguez) Total $_________ *Institutional Rate (libraries and universities): $50.00 plus postage All proceeds from the sale of these videos will be used to cover mailing and duplicating costs, as well as to help Mexican videographers continue their work. Name:___________________________ Address:_________________________ City, State:______________________ ZIP Code:__________ e-mail address:________________________ --- from list --- ------------------ From owner-seminar-12 Tue Apr 18 05:40:17 1995 Date: Tue, 18 Apr 1995 01:40:17 -0400 (EDT) From: Jon Beasley-Murray Subject: CENTAM-L Digest - 16 Apr 1995 to 17 Apr 1995 (fwd) The basis of a question on Thursday for out esteemed Panamanian? Jon Beasley-Murray Literature Program Duke University ---------- Forwarded message ---------- Date: Tue, 18 Apr 1995 00:02:02 -0400 From: Automatic digest processor To: Recipients of CENTAM-L digests Subject: CENTAM-L Digest - 16 Apr 1995 to 17 Apr 1995 ---------------------------------------------------------------------- Date: Mon, 17 Apr 1995 08:04:47 -0400 From: Ken Mcguffin - JOUD/F94 Subject: Panama Urgent Action - Gnobe Bugle (fwd) ---------- Forwarded message ---------- From: (Rich Winkel) Newsgroups: Subject: Panama Urgent Action - Gnobe Bugle Date: 14 Apr 1995 23:25:48 GMT /** reg.panama: 22.0 **/ ** Topic: Urgent Action - Gnobe Bugle (Panama ** ** Written 9:57 AM Apr 14, 1995 by saiic in cdp:reg.panama ** From: saiic (South and Meso American Indian Rights Center) Subject: Urgent Action - Gnobe Bugle (Panama) URGENT ACTION FOR THE GNOBE- BUGLE OF PANAMA ======================================================== 4/12/95 INDIGENOUS REPRESSED AND LEADERS IMPRISONED Yesterday, one indigenous was injured and eight more were detained in confrontation with police and military in Las Palmas, Veraguas, Panama. More than 600 Gnobe Bugle, also known as Guaymi, protested at the Geo-Tec mining corporation, the use of their land for explorative mining. They were thrown out of the corporation grounds and moved to block a road leading to Geo-Tec. National Police used tear gas and military clubs to subdue the crowd and clear the road. One indigenous, Liborio Concepcion, was injured when he tried to stop the arrest of three indigenous leaders identified as Traslacion Acosta, Ana Acosta, and Fermin Franco. According to the records of the minister of the interior 60 indigenous "rioted" and the sergeant of police, and two biologist were "taken hostage" by the indigenous. The detained were taken to Panama City while those gathered continued to protest. According to Antonio Acosta the representative for Indigenous Affairs Office of Veraguas indicated that the Ministry of Commerce and Industry authorized concessions to exploit 18,700 hectares of land. This area of land encompasses parts or the whole of the communities of Calabozo, El Piro, Cerro Pelado, Cana Sal, La Trinidad, El Cedro. and El Prado. The indigenous who live in these communities were not even consulted, for agreement of the transaction. Atencio Lopez, director of the Legal Office of the Kunas Napguana, said the government refused to demarcate Gnobe-Bugle community land in order to keep control of the land and keep exploiting the resources on the land. Meanwhile more police and military are being sent to Veraguas. The Gnobe-Bugle protesters expect more tear gas, clubs, and serious confrontation. Government officials refused to talk to Gnobe-Bugle leaders. The Gnobe-Bugle Protesters intend to keep the road blockade up until police and Geo-Tec leave their land. They are asking for help in the form of letters of support. Please write the officials listed below expressing your solidarity with the protesters and asking for the release of the three indigenous leaders, the physical integrity of the leaders and protesters, as well as the demarcation of Indigenous land. Predidente de la Republica Ministro de Gobierno y Justicia Dr. Ernesto Perez Balladares Raul Montengro Casa de Gobierno Casa de Gobierno Panama, Panama Panama, Panama FAX: 507-27-0076 FAX: 507-62-7877 ---- South and Meso American Indian Rights Center (SAIIC) Box 28703 Oakland, CA 94604 (510) 834-4263 Fax: (510) 834-4264 Email: Home Page: For more information about SAIIC, send e-mail to ** End of text from cdp:reg.panama ** *************************************************************************** This material came from PeaceNet, a non-profit progressive networking service. For more information, send a message to *************************************************************************** --- from list --- ------------------ From owner-seminar-12 Tue Apr 18 17:49:23 1995 Date: Tue, 18 Apr 1995 13:49:23 -0400 (EDT) From: Jon Beasley-Murray Subject: Latin American lists I've been asked for recommendations as to Latin American email lists. Here are the ones I know, and how to get on them: centam-l (on Central America). Infuriating but interesting. Infuriating because there is a high proportion of mindless chat and bickering. Interesting because it *is* a very good source of information (on both events and arguments) about Central America, and because not everyone on the list is as irritating as the most vocal ones are. Send the message "subscribe centam-l Firstname Surname" to chiapas95 (for news on Chiapas). Lots of information, no chat, a synthesis of internet information from a number of different sources. If you're interested in Chiapas, this is a must. Send the message "subscribe chiapas95" to H-LatAm (Latin American history). I've never been on this one, so can't tell you what it's like. If anyone knows, do tell me. Send the message "subscribe H-LatAm Firstname Surname, Affiliation" to By the way, there are moves afoot to start a new network with help from people at Duke and UNC... so watch this space. Anyhow, I guess I'll shut down this seminar-12 list once the class is over... but until then, good luck to everyone, and see you on Thursday. Take care Jon Jon Beasley-Murray Literature Program Duke University --- from list --- ------------------ From owner-seminar-12 Tue Apr 18 22:12:34 1995 Date: Tue, 18 Apr 1995 18:12:34 -0400 (EDT) From: Tracy Lynne Devine Subject: 15-Apr-95 Chiapas Peace Negotiation Update (fwd) ---------- Forwarded message ---------- Date: Mon, 17 Apr 1995 13:04:35 -0400 (EDT) From: Steve Stroman To: Tracy Devine Subject: 15-Apr-95 Chiapas Peace Negotiation Update (fwd) ---------- Forwarded message ---------- Date: Mon, 17 Apr 1995 12:48:37 -0400 From: Steve Stroman To: Subject: 15-Apr-95 Chiapas Peace Negotiation Update From: IGC News Desk /* Escrito 10:56 AM Apr 11, 1995 por globalexch en igc:reg.mexico */ /* ---------- "Chiapas Peace Negotiation Update" ---------- */ From: Global Exchange Update on Peace Negotiations San Cristobal de las Casas, April 9--Firecrackers have been exploding all morning in the sky and I'm wondering if it's another feast day or if it's in celebration of the dialogue agreement signed yesterday in San Miguel. I went to San Miguel Saturday nig ht with about 100 observers. We were asked to be a roadblock around the church where the talks would take place. On Sunday morning, we walked 2 km. from the parking area in the community of Patate to San Miguel to "take our positions". By 8:30 a.m. mos t press (about 100) were waiting at the entrance to the community, but first the convoys of delegates escorted by International Red Cross vehicles entered. The Zapatista delegation consisted of 7 comandantes, all men and indigenous, who came in three dif ferent cars about ten minutes apart from the east. Later, we learned their names in the evening press conference. The two who spoke at the press conference were Comandante Tacho and Comandante Ramon. The federal government delegation consisted of a Mex ican ambassador and two lawyers. All of the CONAI were present. Members of the government pacification team, established by legislation, were present. Led by Bishop Samuel Ruiz, who opened and closed the dialogue and gave some public updates during the day, the CONAI mediated during the very long session. Ruiz alluded to difficulties with language and abstract concepts due to the different cultures and languages of the participants during his mid-day remarks. Father Gonzalo Ituarte appearted to be ve ry key. The Zapatista delegates met in the church building when they were in closed session and Father Gonzalo was always with them. The Mexican government delegates remained in a separate wooden building 20 yds. from the church. The dialogue took plac e in this separate building. It started at 10:00 am and ended at 12 midnight with the signing of the document and a brief press conference. Bishop Ruiz read the document signed by the involved parties. The main points are that the parties agreed to be gin the peace talks on April 20, 1995 in San Andres Larrainza, Chiapas. Most of the points in the document deal with how the parties commit to treating each other: act in good faith, act out of good will and mutual respect, etc. No other details or conditions are mentioned. It struck me as a supremely good faith effort on the part of the EZLN given that the document doesn't require army withdrawal from Chiapas at this point. It does commit the federal government to extend the time within it will not apprehe nd Zapatista suspecs. This seemed to be an important assurance. Comandante Tacho stressed the word "liberty" many times in his remarks at the press conference. He also said that the next delegaon for April 20th will look a little different; there will definitely by a Zapatista woman in their delegation. Report written by Margarte OUShea, representative of Global Exchange in San Cristobal de las Casas, Chiapas. Global Exchange is sponsoring monthly human rights delegations to Chiapas and placing long term volunteers in the region. For more information a bout these opportunities, contact Global Exchange: 2017 Mission St. #303, San Francisco, CA 94110. Phone: 1-800-497-1994; email: --- from list --- ------------------ From owner-seminar-12 Tue Apr 18 22:11:04 1995 Date: Tue, 18 Apr 1995 18:11:04 -0400 (EDT) From: Tracy Lynne Devine Subject: 15-Apr-95 U.S. AID Backtracks on Tecoluca Roa (fwd) ---------- Forwarded message ---------- Date: Mon, 17 Apr 1995 13:04:47 -0400 (EDT) From: Steve Stroman To: Tracy Devine Subject: 15-Apr-95 U.S. AID Backtracks on Tecoluca Roa (fwd) ---------- Forwarded message ---------- Date: Mon, 17 Apr 1995 12:47:41 -0400 From: Steve Stroman To: Subject: 15-Apr-95 U.S. AID Backtracks on Tecoluca Roa From: IGC News Desk /* Escrito 8:19 AM Apr 11, 1995 por cispesnatl en igc:reg.elsalvador */ /* ---------- "U.S. AID Backtracks on Tecoluca Roa" ---------- */ [Note from CISPES: We received this cable yesterday at our offices in San Salvador. Please respond to the urgent request to help pressure U.S. AID to follow through on promises they've already made. It is part of the strategy of the central government of the right-wing ARENA party to use economic sabotage to undermine support for the FMLN in municipalities the FMLN won in elections last March. Apparently, AID is playing along. Call the following AID officials to demand that they release the funds for the San Carlos Lempa - La Pita road: 1) Mark Schneider at AID's Latin America Bureau in Washington ,D.C. Phone: 202-647-8246. Fax: 202-647-9671; and 2) Carl Leonard, the new head of the AID Mission in San Salvador. Phone: 011-503-298-1666. Fax: 011-503-298-0885.] *************************************** SISTEMA ECONOMICO SOCIAL San Carlos Lempa, Municipio de Tecoluca Sur de san Vicente, El Salvador, C.A. San Carlos Lempa April 6, 1995 Dear Friends of El Salvador: Please receive our warmest saludos. At this date, the San Nicolas-La Pita road project previously approved and prioritized by U.S. AID remains in grave danger. Funding has been cut back and our area has been de-prioritized. We are asking you to mobilize your resources, your base and other friends, to pressure U.S. AID to reconsider their recent decision. The road, as you know, is NECESSARY to the economic development and well-being of the population of our Sector. Negligence towards this important base of the FMLN endangers the fragile peace established in El Salvador with the signing of the Peace Accords. On our part, we have requested a meeting with AID in San Salvador. They have agreed to visit the Sector this week. We ask you to send the enclosed communication from the Junta Directiva of the SOCIAL ECONOMIC SYSTEM (S.E.S.) to your friends in the U.S. so that they might communicate their concern and demands to: 1) The AID Department for Central America and Mexico in Washington; 2) The Director of AID in El Salvador, Carl Leonard; and 3) Any other persons that you or they might consider important according to your possible spheres of influences. This is an emergency and we are counting on your support. As always, we are grateful for your invaluable help. In Solidarity, Emilio Espin SISTEMA ECONOMICO SECTORAL, San Carlos Lempa *************************************************** S.O.S. THE SAN NICOLAS LEMPA -- LA PITA ROAD PROJECT IS IN SERIOUS DANGER !! The previous administration of U.S. AID in El Salvador approved the financing for the reconstruction of the San Nicolas Lempa - La Pita road. The National reconstruction Secretariat (SRN) and the Ministry of Public Works (MOP) elaborated the project. The Ministry of Public Works made the commitment to appropriate the finished road and to guarantee its good maintenance in the future. We met with the SRN and the MOP and it was made clear that the funding was already guaranteed and that the reconstruction would begin in March 1995. At this point it is rumored that there will be "strong reduction of AID funds destined to El Salvador." Our road was classified as a first priority by the previous administration of AID in El Salvador. Changes were made in the management of AID in El Salvador and the road project is endangered. It may simply be reduced or the project may be eliminated and new priorities set which are of more interest to the governing party in the country. As its excuse, AID claims that some environmental organizations are pressuring them to withdraw the project because according to them "it would negatively affect the ecological balance of the zone." We investigated this claim and found that there is no environmental organization opposed to the construction of the road; no one except us is truly interested in taking care of our natural resources and we donUt need ecology lessons sent from comfortable offices in San Salvador. If anyone is truly interested and wants to see things clearly, we invite them to visit us, so that they might really know our sustainable development plan. We ask all institutional and personal friends of the people of El Salvador to help us pressure U.S. AID and the government of El Salvador, so that we can avoid the maneuver that they appear to be planning against this project, a project that is heartfelt by the population and necessary for the sustainable development of those who live in the territory of the Social Economic System "SES", San Carlos Lempa Sector, Southern Zone of the Municipality of Tecoluca, San Vicente, El Salvador, Central America. We are ready to respond by mobilizing the population in order to avoid the reduction of the elaborated project or the suspension of financing and execution of same. [signed] Board of Directors of the SES SISTEMA ECONOMICO SECTORAL, San Carlos Lempa --- from list --- ------------------ From owner-seminar-12 Tue Apr 18 22:30:46 1995 Date: Tue, 18 Apr 1995 18:30:46 -0400 (EDT) From: Tracy Lynne Devine Subject: 17-Apr-95 Turks Invade Iraq, Fail to Crush Ku (fwd) Sound familiar? ---------- Forwarded message ---------- Date: Tue, 18 Apr 1995 18:25:02 -0400 From: Tracy Lynne Devine To: Subject: 17-Apr-95 Turks Invade Iraq, Fail to Crush Ku From: IGC News Desk Subject: Turks Invade Iraq, Fail to Crush Kurds /* Escrito 3:01 PM Apr 15, 1995 por en igc:mideast.kurds */ /* ---------- "Turks Invade Iraq, Fail to Crush Ku" ---------- */ From: Workers World Service Subject: Turks Invade Iraq, Fail to Crush Kurds ------------------------ Via Workers World Service Reprinted from the April 20, 1995, issue of Workers World newspaper ----------------------- TURKISH INVASION OF IRAQ: BRUTAL TACTICS FAIL TO CRUSH KURDS By John Catalinotto Turkish troops are still waging war against the Kurdish people in northern Iraq three weeks after some 35,000 invaded Kurdish areas March 20 with the stated aim of eliminating guerrilla bases. Turkey's military officials report glorious victories in their war against the Kurdish national-liberation movement. But other sources indicate the operation was a military flop. The Turkish forces did manage to kill many Kurdish civilians, but Kurdish liberation fighters in small units punished Turkey's army. As the invasion began, President Bill Clinton stated his support for Turkey's invasion of Iraq. In a telephone call to Turkish Prime Minister Tansu Ciller, Clinton expressed "understanding for Turkey's need to deal decisively" with the Kurdish liberation movement. Washington has propped up the Turkish military since the end of World War II, first as a weapon against the Soviet Union and then in its effort to dominate Middle East oil. More U.S. foreign aid goes to Turkey than to any country except Israel and Egypt. The Pentagon has 14 military bases in Turkey, many used to dominate Iraqi air space. Since Clinton's first statement, his administration has had to distance itself publicly from Turkey's occupation of northern Iraq. But it fully supports the Turkish regime's attempt to crush the PKK. Kurds make up 20 percent of the over 60 million people living under Turkish rule. The Turkish state represses the Kurdish language and culture. Since 1984, the Kurdish Workers Party (PKK) has led an armed liberation struggle. It has gained massive popular support. Frustrated by the guerrillas' successes over the decade, the Turkish military began waging war against Kurdish civilians. Currently 200,000 Turkish troops occupy Kurdish regions, where they have destroyed over 200 villages. In a March 24 statement released by the Kurdistan Information Center in London, PKK General Secretary Abdullah Ocalan criticized Washington's clandestine support of Turkish policy. He said, "We want the United States government to withdraw its support from this dirty war and provide opportunities for a political solution." TURKISH CLAIMS REFUTED Turkish officials claim there have been hundreds of PKK casualties while the Turkish army suffered only two dozen losses. Even Western observers greet these announcements with skepticism. On March 27, the Turkish army began interfering with correspondents trying to report from the area of the conflict. The Kurdistan National Liberation Army (ARGK) estimates as of April 9 that its fighters or mines have killed over 800 Turkish soldiers and injured many more. On the other hand, says the ARGK, "our losses to date are 113 killed. The massive and indiscriminate Turkish attack has also resulted in civilian casualties." "[Contrary to] the 'good' news that is emanating from Ankara, the Turkish soldiers are unable to fight a guerrilla war. Many of the soldiers are displaying clumsy behavior. "They are still doing what they are best at: killing Kurdish civilians and telling the world that these are 'terrorists,'" says the ARGK. Some Reuter reports validate the ARGK claim of heavy civilian casualties from the Turkish attack. One March 26 report from Dohuk, Iraq, told of villagers assuring Turkish tank commanders they had nothing to do with the guerrillas. Nevertheless, the tanks opened fire on the villagers. According to Reuter, "Iraqi Kurds and Western aid workers charge at least seven villages have been damaged by Turkish fire" the first six days of the invasion. -30- (Copyright Workers World Service: Permission to reprint granted if source is cited. For more information contact Workers World, 55 W. 17 St., NY, NY 10011; via e-mail: For subscription info send message to: --- from list --- ------------------ From owner-seminar-12 Tue Apr 18 22:54:37 1995 Date: Tue, 18 Apr 1995 18:54:37 -0400 (EDT) From: Christian Hernandez Subject: Re: CENTAM-L Digest - 16 Apr 1995 to 17 Apr 1995 (fwd) See,, it's not only EL Salvador that has a national security state in place...just kidding Frank! See y'all Friday! Christian --- from list --- ------------------ From owner-seminar-12 Wed Apr 19 07:24:32 1995 Date: Wed, 19 Apr 1995 03:24:32 -0400 (EDT) From: Jon Beasley-Murray Subject: Salvadoran death squads: a pattern of US complicity Date: Tue, 18 Apr 1995 09:44:51 PDT From: Jorge A Munoz Subject: Archived: Salvadoran Death Squads: A Pattern of US Complicity Death Squads in El Salvador: A Pattern of US Complicity by David Kirsh Covert Action Information Bulletin #34 (Summer 1990) In 1963, the US government sent 10 Special Forces personnel to El Salvador to help General Jose Alberto Medrano set up the Organizacion Democratica Nacionalista (ORDEN)-the first paramilitary death squad in that country. These Green Berets assisted in the organization and indoctrination of rural "civic" squads which gathered intelligence and carried out political assassinations in coordination with the Salvadoran military. [1] Now, there is compelling evidence to show that for over 30 years, members of the US military and the CIA have helped organize, train, and fund death squad activity in El Salvador. In the past eight years, six Salvadoran military deserters have publicly acknowledged their participation in the death squads. Their stories are notable because they not only confirm suspicions that the death squads are made up of members of the Salvadoran military, but also because each one implicates US personnel in death squad activity. The term "death squad," while appropriately vivid, can be misleading because it obscures their fundamental identity. Evidence shows that "death squads" are primarily military or paramilitary units carrying out political assassinations and intimidation as part of the Salvadoran government's counterinsurgency strategy. Civilian death squads do exist but have often been comprised of off-duty soldiers financed by wealthy Salvadoran businessmen. It is important to point out that the use of death squads has been a strategy of US counterinsurgency doctrine. For example, the CIA's "Phoenix Program" was responsible for the "neutralization" of over 40,000 Vietnamese suspected of working with the National Liberation Front. [2] Part of the US counterinsurgency program was run from the Office of Public Safety (OPS). OPS was part of US AID, and worked with the Defense Department and the CIA to modernize and centralize the repressive capabilities of client state police forces, including those of El Salvador. [3] In 1974 Congress ordered the discontinuation of OPS. In spite of the official suspension of police assistance between 1974 and 1985, CIA and other US officials worked with Salvadoran security forces throughout the restricted period to centralize and modernize surveillance, to continue training, and to fund key players in the death squad network. [4] Even thought the US government's police training program had been thoroughly discredited, the Reagan administration found other channels through which to reinstate police assistance for El Salvador and Honduras. Attached to this assistance is the requirement that the president certify that aid recipients do not engage in torture, political persecution or assassination. Even so, certain members of Congress showed concern over the reinstatement of police aid to repressive regimes. In a Senate Foreign Relations Committee hearing, Senator Claiborne Pell (Dem., Rhode Island) asked, "I was talking about cattle prods specifically. Would they be included or not?" Undersecretary of State for Latin American Affairs Elliot Abrams replied, "Well, I would say that in my view if the police of Costa Rica, with their democratic tradition, say that for crowd control purposes they would like to have 50 shot [sic] batons, as they are called in the nonagricultural context, I would personally want to give it to them. I think that government has earned enough trust, as I think we have earned enough trust, not to be questioned, frankly, about exporting torture equipment. But I would certainly be in favor of giving it to them if they want it." Death Squad members testimony Cesar Vielman Joya Martinez, a soldier in the First Infantry Brigade's Department 2 (Intelligence), is the most recent Salvadoran to admit to his involvement in death squad activity. At a November 1, 1989 press conference Joya stated that certain military units in Department 2 carried out "heavy interrogation" (a euphemism for torture) after which the victims were killed. The job of his unit was to execute people by strangulation, slitting their throats, or injecting them with poison. He admitted killing eight people and participating in many more executions. He stated that the Brigade Commander had sent written orders to carry out the killings and that the use of bullets was forbidden because they might be traced to the military. [6] Joya Martinez also claims that one of the US advisers working with the First Brigade sat at a desk next to his and received "all the reports from our agents on clandestine captures, interrogations ... but we did not provide them with reports on the executions. They did not want to hear of the actual killings." US advisers authorized expenses for such extras as black glass on squad vans to allow executions to take place unobserved; provided $4,000 for the monthly budget; and conducted classes in recruiting informants and conducting intelligence reconnaissance. [7] Another Salvadoran soldier, Ricardo Castro, is the first officer to come forward with information about death squad activity. Castro graduated from West Point in 1973 and was a company commander in the Salvadoran army. He translated for several US advisers who taught, among other subjects, interrogation techniques. Castro claims that one US instructor worked out of the Sheraton Hotel (taken over briefly during the November 1989 FMLN offensive) and emphasized psychological techniques. Castro recalled a class where Salvadoran soldiers asked the adviser about an impasse in their torture sessions: He was obviously against torture a lot of the time. He favored selective torture ... When they learned something in class, they might go back to their fort that night and practice ... I remember very distinctly some students talking about the fact that people were conking out on them ... as they were administering the electric shock. "We keep giving him the electric shock, and he just doesn't respond. What can we do?" ... The American gave a broad smile and said, "You've got to surprise him. We know this from experience. Give him a jolt. Do something that will just completely amaze him, and that should bring him out of it. [8] Castro revealed that he held monthly briefings with then-deputy CIA chief of station in El Salvador Frederic Brugger who had recruited him for intelligence work after meeting at an interrogation class. Castro also claimed to have knowledge of the perpetration of large massacres of civilians by Army Department 5. In December 1981, he met in Morazan Province with one of the officers that the US instructor had advised. "They had two towns of about 300 people each, and they were interrogating them to see what they knew. Since I ... knew something about interrogations, he said he might want me to help. The Major told me that after the interrogation, they were going to kill them all." Castro was, however, reassigned and did not participate. Later, his pro-government mother told him, "You know, son, these guerrillas, they invent the wildest lies. They say that in December, 600 civilians were killed in Morazan." "Oh, shit, I was hoping I'd been dreaming it," he thought. "I later found out, they did go in and kill them after all." [9] Rene Hurtado worked as intelligence agent for the Treasury Police, one of the three Salvadoran paramilitary forces. After a falling out with an officer, he fled to Minnesota, took refuge with a Presbyterian Church congregation, and began describing routine torture methods used by paramilitary forces. These included beatings, electric shock, suffocation, and mutilation. He described techniques such as tearing the skin from "interrogation" subjects, sticking needles into them, or beating them in such a manner that lasting internal injuries but no telltale external marks would be sustained. According to Hurtado, CIA employees and Green Berets taught some of these torture techniques to the treasury police in Army staff headquarters. [10] General John Vessey, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, was particularly disturbed by the implication of the Green Berets and initiated an investigation. The investigator from the Army Criminal Investigation Division stated, "My job was to clear the Army's name and I was going to do whatever [was] necessary to do that." Hurtado refused to cooperate with the investigator on the advice of a member of Congress whom the church parishioners had called upon. When the investigator was told this by the minister, he responded, "Tell Mr. Hurtado that the Congressman has given him very costly advice. When I went to El Salvador to investigate his allegations, at the advice of the US Ambassador, I did not talk to members of the Salvadoran military. If I go again and talk to the military, we don't know who will be hurt, do we?" [11] Following revelations of US involvement in death squad activities, the House and Senate Intelligence Committees reported on allegations of US complicity in death squad activity. The Republican-dominated Senate panel confirmed that Salvadoran officials were involved, but denied any direct US role, keeping certain portions of its report classified. [12] The House Committee stated that, "US intelligence agencies have not conducted any of their activities in such a way as to directly encourage or support death squad activities." Rep. James Shannon (Dem. Mass), who requested the inquiry, commented that the report was "certainly not as conclusive as the committee makes it sound. [13] Varelli, Carranza, Montano, and others Frank Varelli is the son of a former Salvadoran Minister of Defense and National Police commander. When Varelli's family came to the US in 1980, Varelli started working as an FBI informant. Years later, he publicly revealed his role in FBI covert operations against domestic organizations opposing Reagan's Central American policy. He has also asserted that the Salvadoran National Guard gave him death lists which he compared to lists of Salvadorans in the US awaiting deportation back to El Salvador. He reported these contacts with the National Guard to the FBI. [14] Former Colonel Roberto Santivanez claimed that the then-chief of the Salvadoran Treasury Police, Nicolas Carranza, was the officer most active with the death squads. [15] Colonel Carranza is also alleged to have received $90,000 annually from the CIA. [16] Carranza has confirmed the close working relationship of the paramilitary forces with US intelligence. "[They] have collaborated with us in certain technical manner, providing us with advice. They receive information from everywhere in the world, and they have sophisticated equipment that enables them to better inform or at least confirm the information we have. It's very helpful." [17] Carlos Antonio Gomez Montano was a paratrooper stationed at Ilopango Air Force Base. He claimed to have seen eight Green Beret advisors watching two "torture classes" during which a seventeen-year-old boy and a thirteen-year-old girl were tortured. Montano claimed that his unit and the Green Berets were joined by Salvadoran Air Force Commander Rafael Bustillo and other Salvadoran officers during these two sessions in January 1981. A Salvadoran officer told the assembled soldiers, "[watching] will make you feel more like a man." [18] Above are the accounts of the death squad deserters. Non-military sources have also reported participation of US personnel. For example, another (highly placed anonymous civilian) source maintained that Armed Forces General Staff Departments 2 and 5 (organized with help from US Army Colonel David Rodriguez, a Cuban-American) used tortures such as beating, burning and electric shock. [19] US involvement has also been asserted in sworn accounts by some victims of torture. Jose Ruben Carillo Cubas, a student, gave testimony that during his detention by the Long Distance Reconnaissance Patrol (PRAL) in 1986, a US Army Major tortured him by applying electric shocks to his back and ears. [20] Various sources have reported the use of US-manufactured torture equipment. Rene Hurtado, for example, explained, "there are some very sophisticated methods ... of torture ... [like the machine] that looks like a radio, like a transformer; it's about 15 centimeters across, with connecting wires. It says General Electric on it ..." [21] Many other documented accounts of brutality by US-trained and advised military units exist. Indeed, the elite Atlacatl Battalion has been implicated in several massacres over the past ten years [22] and members of the battalion have been indicted for the November slayings of the six Jesuit Priests and two women. It is widely accepted, in the mainstream media and among human rights organizations, that the Salvadoran government is responsible for most of the 70,000 deaths which are the result of ten years of civil war. [23] The debate, however, has dwelled on whether the death squads are strictly renegade military factions or a part of the larger apparatus. The evidence indicates that the death squads are simply components of the Salvadoran military. And that their activities are not only common knowledge to US agencies, [24] but that US personnel have been integral in organizing these units and continue to support their daily functioning. [David Kirsh is author of the booklet, "Central America Without Crying Uncle." It is available for $2 (ask about multiple copy rates) from Primer Project, 107 Mosswood Court, Chapel Hill, NC 27516] Footnotes 1. Allan Nairn, "Behind the Death Squads," The Progressive, May 1984. Reprints are still available. 2. Michael McClintock, "The American Connection," Vol 1 (London: Zed Press, 1985) 3. The "Interdepartmental Technical Subcommittee on Police Advisory Assistance Programs," US State Department, June 11, 1962, cited in "The American Connection," Vol 1, op. cit., n. 1. "In general [the] CIA endeavors to develop the investigative techniques and AID (Agency for International Development) [develops] the capabilities of the police to deal with the military aspects of subversion and insurgency." 4. Op. cit. n. 1 5. "The Central American Counterterrorism Act of 1985," hearing of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, November 5 and 19, 1985, p. 19. 6. "Army Deserters' Testimony Reveals US Role," Alert! November 1989, p. 6; David Bates, "Blood Money: assassin says he slit throats while US wrote checks," In These Times, November 15-21, 1989. 7. "Salvadoran Killings Cited-Deserter Links US Advisors to Army Unit," Washington Post, October 27, 1989; op. cit. n. 6. 8. Allan Nairn, "Confessions of a Death Squad Officer," The Progressive, March 1986; Associated Press, February 13, 1986. 9. Ibid. 10. Op. cit., n.1; "Church-protected refugee says he raped, tortured," Minneapolis Star and Tribune, July 8, 1984. US Special Forces and other military units are well-trained in torture techniques: see Donald Duncan, "The New Legions" (New York: Random House, 1967), pp. 156-161; and "The Navy: Torture Camp," Newsweek, March 22, 1976. 11. Allan Nairn, "Assault on Sanctuary," The Progressive, August 1985. 12. "Officials in El Salvador Linked to Death Squads," Associated Press, October 12, 1984. 13. Robert Parry, "Panel reports CIA did not support death squads," Associated Press, January 14, 1985. 14. Carlos Norman, "Frank Varelli & the FBI's Infiltration of CISPES," Our Right to Know (publication of the Fund for Open Information and Accountability), Spring/Summer 1987; Los Angeles Times, February 21, 1987. 15. Dennis Volman, "Salvador death squads, a CIA connection?" Christian Science Monitor, May 8, 1984. Santivanez was cited as the (at the time) anonymous military source for the article. 16. New York Times, March 22, 1984. Colonel Carranza's CIA salary was confirmed by the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence. 17. Op. cit., n. 1. 18. Raymond Bonner, "US Advisers saw 'Torture Class,' Salvadoran Says," New York Times, January 11, 1982. 19. Christian Science Monitor, op. cit., n. 15. 20. "Torture in El Salvador," CDHES (the Commission for Human Rights in El Salvador), September 1986. The PRAL has received assistance from CIA officer Felix Rodriguez, good friend of George Bush and Donald Gregg, Z Magazine, December 1989, p. 57. 21. Op. cit., n. 1; Also See Michael Klare and Cynthia Arnson, "Supplying Repression" (Washington, DC Institute for Policy Studies, 1981), p. 6, about the US supplying torture equipment. 22. "The Central American Counterterrorism Act of 1985," House of Representatives, hearing of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, October 24 and November 19, 1985, p. 165. This is the same Atlacatl Battalion referred to in 1985, by then-Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense Nestor Sanchez as, "The unit that has received the most intensive US training ... [and] conducts itself with the populace in such a way that it gains their support." 23. Lindsey Gruson, "Salvador Army Is Said to Seize Rebel Positions," New York Times, November 16, 1989. 24. House Foreign Affairs Committee Hearing, op. cit., n. 22, pp. 66-73; "Exiles Linked to Salvador Death Squads; Ex-Envoy Says Miami-Based Refugees Direct and Finance Groups," Los Angeles Times, February 7, 1984; "US on trial - A class-action suit cross-examines the administration's entire policy on El Salvador," In These Times, February 18-24, 1987. --- from list --- ------------------ From owner-seminar-12 Thu Apr 20 06:51:42 1995 Date: Thu, 20 Apr 1995 02:51:42 -0400 (EDT) From: Jon Beasley-Murray Subject: Marxist view of CISPES etc. Just so you know... Jon Beasley-Murray Literature Program Duke University ---------- Forwarded message ---------- Date: Wed, 19 Apr 1995 18:37:38 -0400 From: Matt Davidson To: Subject: Re: "loons in RCP" [much stuff about how bad the Revolutionary Communist Party is deleted] >Matt's ill-informed sneers at and slurs upon CISPES and other solidarity >groups de not deserve comment. > >--Justin Schwartz OK, let me try and communicate more clearly. I took your critique of the RCP, aside from their putative looniness, to be based on their "third-worldism" -- which I take to refer to a habit of tailing after foreign revolutions and revolutionaries, perhaps blindly, to the detriment of the class struggle in the U.S. I wanted to make two points. (1) This is not an accurate criticism of the people I have known in and around the RCP. (2) There are other organizations, for example CISPES, of which I would say this is a valid criticism. Yet these organizations are typically treated with a bit more nuance than the left sects, which admittedly have many failings, some very serious, but cannot fairly be dismissed as loons. Now, this is not to say that CISPES is "bad" or that the people in it are bad people. Rather, this is to say that, in this particular example, the organization had a rather uncritical, booster-ish, attitude towards the FMLN and the struggle in El Salvador, and basically zero interest in the *class struggle* in the US and its implications for imperialism and the terror states it creates and supports. Rather, it played the "good" capitalist politicos vs. the "bad" capitalist politicos electoral game. I was introduced to activism via the Nicaraguan solidarity movement. Generally, the people I knew were dedicated, kind, ethical, well-meaning, all-around-great folks. Just like the folks connected with the RCP. As to the overexcited tone of my previous post: Sorry. I'm sure that didn't make a good first impression with many of you. But sometimes from this list you'd get the impression that college professors and grad students are making the revolution. In a correct or incorrect fashion, the RCP is one group that really has tried to take on this task. My feeling is that we should have a generous spirit towards them, and towards other left grouplets. The Zapatistas: I'm not saying they're enemies of the people. I'm just curious as to what's so exciting about them. Why are you so anti-Sendero? To what are you referring when you call them "psychopathic hoodlums"? Mother Courage? Do you consider the Bolsheviks during the Civil War to have been a bunch of psychopathic hoodlums (execution of hostages, chekist terror, etc.)? If so, then it's easier for me to see why we disagree. I find it strange that the capitalist media's anti-communist hysteria has proven so successful vis-a-vis the CPP as to prevent any large scale organizing against the horrific war against the people being carried out by the Peruvian army. In any event, to return to the them of third-worldism, it's unclear to me why you seem to think that saying "Way to go Haitian/South African democrats! Good job Aristide/Mandela" is internationalist solidarity, and positive, while an RCP-er's saying "Way to go Chinese/Peruvian Communists! Good job Mao/Gonzalo!" is third-worldism, and at best "not wholly destructive." Finally, if I gave you the impression that I had some personal beef with you, I apologize. Of course, I hardly know you. Presumably you're a great guy. I certainly wouldn't say otherwise. Not a Maoist, but I play one on TV, --Matt Davidson Original post included. If there are any further follow ups I'll snip it. >On Wed, 19 Apr 1995, Matt Davidson wrote: > >> Justin Schwartz writes: >> >> > >> > Rakesh Bhandari cites Mattick against the old New Left enthusiasm for Mao >> >and other third world revolutions. Broadly speaking I think the sentiment >> >is right. I ceased to be a quasi-Maoist (sinceI was always and >> >anti-Stalinist I was never a good Maoist) when the significancxe of the >> >fact that there are no peasants in America became clear to me, which in >> >fact didn't take very long in my early Marxist education. But apart from >> >the loons in RCP third-worldism is a target of the past. >> > >> >(Chris: RCP= Revolutionary Comminist Party, the remaining American Maoist >> >sect.) >> > >> >> Whatever the party's faults (the cult of Chairman Bob and its line on >> homosexuality being two glaring examples), all the "loons" I've known in and >> around the RCP have been genuine communists and revolutionaries, who have >> dedicated their lives to changing the world in the face of overwheliming >> odds. They certainly are laying more on the line than most academic >> Marxists. In any event, it's completely unfair to dismiss them as >> third-worlders. They're very much conscious of the fact that their task is >> revolution right here at home. And why shouldn't the international >> proletariat have international leaders and heroes? >> >> (BTW, the Maoist International(ist?) Movement, the Progressive Labor Party >> and the Marxist-Leninist (Workers?) Party also call themselves Maoist, I >> think. Or are the latter Hoxaist/Albanians?) >> >> > Ralph and some others have disparaged, as I take it, solidarity worlk >> >with third world revolutions as irrelevant to American concerns. This >> >seems a failure of internationalism. The working class and its problems >> >are international and capital is globalized. The struggle requires support >> >for the Chiapas rebellion and opposition to the PRI partycrats for the >> >common interests of North American and Mexican workers. This is not the >> >same as waving the Little Red Book or holding up, e.g. Subcommandante >> >Marcos as the new Great Helmsman. Still internationalism requires us to >> >support the Zapatista struggle, the Haiti democracy movement, the Party of >> >Labor in Russia, etc. Self-interest too. >> > >> >For what it's worth recall that Marx helped form the first Internatioinal >> >around solidarity with Polish revolutionaries. Each working class m,ust >> >settle with its own bourgeoisie, as he says, but internationalism and >> >class struggle are the twin poles of Marxism. >> > >> >> The real "third-worldists" are people in CISPES and other "solidarity" >> groups who see revolution as something that happens "over there" where all >> the poor, oppressed people are, people who head to the polls to vote for the >> "good" Democrat who'll make "peace and justice" the cornerstone of his >> foreign policy. >> >> What's so great about the Zapatistas? They've already abdicated any >> responsibility to become the state. Are they hoping Bill Clinton will run >> for President of Mexico? Is their program to pressure the criminals whose >> boots are on their necks to not press down quite so hard? >> >> If you want solidarity with revolutionaries, how about the Communist Party >> of Peru? Or is actual people's war too messy? Gee, if only the "good" >> Peruvian politicians would get voted in instead of the "bad" Fujimori. If >> only some Peruvian Zapatistas would form a pressure group. Maybe they could >> hook up with some Catholic "liberation theologians" and we could get >> together a Commitee to Support the (Nice, Friendly, Non-Communist) People of >> Peru. >> >> >> For revolution, >> >> --Matt Davidson >> --- from list --- --- from list --- ------------------ From owner-seminar-12 Sat Apr 22 05:52:06 1995 Date: Sat, 22 Apr 1995 01:52:06 -0400 (EDT) From: Jon Beasley-Murray Subject: Good piece on CISPES via WWW. (fwd) ---------- Forwarded message ---------- Date: Fri, 21 Apr 1995 13:39:29 -0400 From: Matt Davidson To: Subject: Good piece on CISPES via WWW. Re: CISPES. Sometimes one finds actual information on the advertising super-highway. An example is the very interesting article on CISPES in Crossroads magazine at the following URL: --Matt Davidson --- from list --- --- from list --- ------------------ From owner-seminar-12 Mon Apr 24 12:48:25 1995 Date: Mon, 24 Apr 1995 08:48:25 -0400 (EDT) From: Jon Beasley-Murray Subject: Mex.Govt Closes Independent Radio, Apr.22 (fwd) ---------- Forwarded message ---------- Date: Sun, 23 Apr 95 12:22:38 CDT From: Harry M. Cleaver To: Jon Beasley-Murray Subject: Mex.Govt Closes Independent Radio, Apr.22 This posting has been forwarded to you as a service of the Austin Comite de Solidaridad con Chiapas y Mexico. /* Written 7:25 PM Apr 22, 1995 by laneta:cmdpdh in igc:reg.mexico */ /* ---------- "radio comunitaria clausurada df" ---------- */ CLAUSURAN LAS AUTORIDADES MEXICANAS ESTACION DE RADIO COMUNITARIA. El d!a de hoy, sabado 22 de abril de l995, fue clausurada por autoridades federales mexicanas, la estaci"n comunitaria RADIO PIRATA, que transmite desde la plaza de Coyoacan en la ciudad de Mxico. Desde hace mas de 7 meses, RADIO PIRATA inici" sus transmisiones con equipo de baja potencia y en una frecuencia no ocupada por radios comerciales, bajo la perspectiva de abrir hacia los ciudadanos los medios masivos de comunicaci"n, que en Mexico estan controladas por 14 familias. Es una estaci"n integrada al Sistema de Comunicaci"n Popular TELEVERDAD, y transmite al aire libre desde la plaza de Coyoacan, una de las mas concurridas y tradicionales de la Ciudad de Mexico. Su programacion est elaborada a partir de programas ciudadanos, juveniles, de rescate cultural y de servicios a la comunidad, transmitiendo los s bados de 12 a 6 de la tarde, desde LA CABINA MAS GRANDE DE RADIODIFUSION DE LA CIUDAD DE MEXICO, una plaza p#blica. El d!a de hoy, a las 13.10 hrs., se presentaron representantes de las autoridades federales de la Secretar!a de Comunicaciones y Transportes para clausurar las emisiones de RADIO PIRATA, bajo el argumento de no contar con el permiso oficial. Es importante se$alar que el mencionado permiso fue solicitado hace m s de 6 meses sin haber recibido de parte de las autoridades respuesta. Debido a la acci"n ciudadana, que impidi" la requisa de los equipos, los mismos fueron depositados bajo custodia de un diputado federal, Arnoldo Mart!nez Verdugo,quien a solicitud de la ciudadan!a, evit" el decomiso de los equipos de transmisi"n. Hay que destacar que en la actual ley existe el vac!o de no contemplar las radios ciudadanas, vac!o que consideramos es importante llenar y legislar al respecto. El Colectivo de RADIO PIRATA ha decidido mantener la lucha por espacios radiales comunitarios y ciudadanos, por lo que continuaremos la batalla legal y ciudadana por abrir el micr"fono y la programaci"n a la comunidad. CLAUSURAN LAS AUTORIDADES MEXICANAS ESTACION DE RADIO COMUNITARIA. El d!a de hoy, s bado 22 de abril de l995, fue clausurada por autoridades federales mexicanas, la estaci"n comunitaria RADIO PIRATA, que transmite desde la plaza de Coyoac n en la ciudad de Mxico. Desde m s de 7 meses, RADIO PIRATA inici" sus transmisiones con equipo de baja potencia y en una frecuencia no ocupada por radios comerciales, bajo la perspectiva de abrir hacia los ciudadanos los medios masivos de comunicaci"n, que en Mxico est n controladas por 14 familias. Es una estaci"n integrada al Sistema de Comunicaci"n Popular TELEVERDAD, y transmite al aire libre desde la plaza de Coyoac n, una de las m s concurridas y tradicionales de la Ciudad de Mxico. Su programaci"n est elaborada a partir de programas ciudadanos, juveniles, de rescate cultural y de servicios a la comunidad, transmitiendo los s bados de 12 a 6 de la tarde, desde LA CABINA MAS GRANDE DE RADIODIFUSION DE LA CIUDAD DE MEXICO, una plaza p#blica. El d!a de hoy, a las 13.10 hrs., se presentaron representantes de las autoridades federales de la Secretar!a de Comunicaciones y Transportes para clausurar las emisiones de RADIO PIRATA, bajo el argumento de no contar con el permiso oficial. Es importante se$alar que el mencionado permiso fue solicitado hace m s de 6 meses sin haber recibido de parte de las autoridades respuesta. Debido a la acci"n ciudadana, que impidi" la requisa de los equipos, los mismos fueron depositados bajo custodia de un diputado federal, Arnoldo Mart!nez Verdugo,quien a solicitud de la ciudadan!a, evit" el decomiso de los equipos de transmisi"n. Hay que destacar que en la actual ley existe el vac!o de no contemplar las radios ciudadanas, vac!o que consideramos es importante llenar y legislar al respecto. El Colectivo de RADIO PIRATA ha decidido mantener la lucha por espacios radiales comunitarios y ciudadanos, por lo que continuaremos la batalla legal y ciudadana por abrir el micr"fono y la programaci"n a la comunidad. ====================================== Harry Cleaver Department of Economics University of Texas at Austin Austin, Texas 78712-1173 USA Phone Numbers: (hm) (512) 442-5036 (off) (512) 471-3211 Fax: (512) 471-3510 E-mail: ====================================== --- from list --- ------------------ From owner-seminar-12 Tue Apr 25 04:21:18 1995 Date: Tue, 25 Apr 1995 00:21:18 -0400 (EDT) From: Jon Beasley-Murray Subject: Chase Manhattan Report Follow-up, Apr.24 (fwd) ---------- Forwarded message ---------- Date: Mon, 24 Apr 95 17:06:35 CDT From: Harry M. Cleaver To: Jon Beasley-Murray Subject: Chase Manhattan Report Follow-up, Apr.24 This posting has been forwarded to you as a service of the Austin Comite de Solidaridad con Chiapas y Mexico. NOTE BENE: The following article from COUNTERPUNCH follows up on the story of the infamous Chase Manhattan Bank report written by Riordan Roett and distributed to Chase's client by its Emerging Markets Group. Ken Silverstein and Alexander Cockburn obtained a copy of the report and wrote about it, and about Roett's other efforts, in the February 1, 1995 issue of COUNTERPUNCH. This was the report in which Roett made three suggestions: 1. that the Mexican government should "eliminate" the Zapatistas, 2. that it should consider stealing the elections in Jalisco and 3. that just how much pain the "Mexican working class" could be made to bear, to appease foreign investors, was an open question. Roett's Report, along with Silverstein and Cockburn's article, was posted first on Chiapas95, then on chiapas-l, and then it was reposted again and again circulating quickly all over the world, provoking outrage and protests from Mexico City, through the United States to Western Europe. According the following piece, the protests against Chase Manhattan, and the embarassement it caused, apparently led the Bank to fire Roett. The Chase report, as well as many stories of the protests and actions it provoked, can be found in the archives of Chiapas95 which can be accessed through gopher mailing-lists/Chiapas95, or through the web via Harry ............story begins here.......... Ken Silverstein and Alexander Cockburn, "Chase Memo Tumult: Come Blow Our Horn," COUNTERPUNCH, Volume 2, No. 4, February 15, 1995, p.3. Our Feb. 1 repot that Chase bank had called on the Mexican government to "eliminate" the Zapatistas in the name of investor stability caused an uproar in the U.S. and Mexico. For days, COUNTERPUNCH phones rang non-stop, with activists and journalists requesting urgent fax transmittal of our story and the Chase memo which contained the bank's suggestion. Organizers brandished the memorandum at demonstrations in Los Angeles, San Francisco, Seattle, New York, and other cities. The story was covered by everyone from FINAL CALL, which is published by the Nation of Islam, to THE WASHINGTON POST. On Capitol Hill, Rep. Marcy Kaptur (D-Ohio) held a press conference to denounce the bank. "Suggesting the killing of innocent people, throwing elections --none of this seems to bother Chase," said Kaptur, who called the memo an "amazing, troubling document." She added that "anyone who honestly believed that Wall Street's hands weren't all over [the Clinton bail-out] should take a good hard look at this memo." Similar uproar took place in Mexico after PROCESSO, a major news weekly, carried a Feb.13 story about COUNTERPUNCH's disclosures. Zapatista officials in the U.S. say that publication of the Chase memo was "a turning point" in that it was the first hard evidence which directly linked Wall Street to Mexico's economic and political crisis. Chase tried a variety of tactics in seeking to defuse the ensuing PR nightmare. First the bank insisted that the whole thing had resulted from a copy editing error, and that Chase had intended to call for the elmination of the Zapatista "threat," not the Zapatistas. This tactic fell flat. Chase officials then placed sole responsibility for the fiasco on the document's author, Riordan Roett. In a terse official communique, Chase said that the opinions expressed in the memo "represent [Roett's] personal views as a scholar. They were not meant to nor do they represent the views of Chase." As Roett is on Chase's payroll and the memo went out on bank stationary, this explanation also carried little weight. On February 16, Chase completed its distancing process from the memo. "Dr. Roett," announced Steve Rautenberg, a bank spokesman, "no longer has a realtionship with Chase." (Though his most spectacular blunder, this was not the first time Roett made a fool of himself in his role as omniscient advisor. Last year, he informed financial reporters that Venezuela would probably default on its Brady bonds. This prediction, which proved to be false, caused hysteria among investors when it was carried on the AP-Dow Jones Wire.) A final note: The Mexico City daily, EL FINANCIERO, reports that the former president of Mexico, Carlos Salinas de Gortari, has accepted an offer to join the board of directors of Dow Jones & Co., publisher of the WALL STREET JOURNAL. The offer comes at an opportune moment for Salinas, whose U.S.-backed bid to head the World Trade Organization lies in ruins amid the crash of the Mexican economy. Salinas' role on the Dow Jones board will be, in the words of EL FINANCIERO, "to utilize strategic information accumulated during his mandate . . . to benefit the lords of financial speculation." (The Chase memo is free for subscribers who send in a stamped addresseed envelope. Any contributions to offset copying and labor costs would be appreciated.) ............end of story......... A subscription to COUNTERPUNCH can be obtained for $40/yr for an individual, $25/yr for student/low-income. Write to IPS, 1601 Connecticut Avenue,N.W., Washington D.C., 20009. ====================================== Harry Cleaver Department of Economics University of Texas at Austin Austin, Texas 78712-1173 USA Phone Numbers: (hm) (512) 442-5036 (off) (512) 471-3211 Fax: (512) 471-3510 E-mail: ====================================== --- from list --- ------------------ From owner-seminar-12 Tue Apr 25 04:45:10 1995 Date: Tue, 25 Apr 1995 00:45:10 -0400 (EDT) From: Jon Beasley-Murray Subject: GOBIERNO SILENCIA LA RADIO (Spanish) (fwd) ---------- Forwarded message ---------- Date: Mon, 24 Apr 95 10:51:08 CDT From: Harry M. Cleaver To: Jon Beasley-Murray Subject: GOBIERNO SILENCIA LA RADIO (Spanish) This posting has been forwarded to you as a service of the Austin Comite de Solidaridad con Chiapas y Mexico. ---------- Forwarded message ---------- Date: Sun, 23 Apr 95 13:49:24 CST From: Duque Alvarez del Castillo Rocio-LHDL To:,,,,,,,, Subject: GOBIERNO SILENCIA LA RADIO ORDENA LA SECRETARIA DE GOBERNACION Y LA SCT MENTIR Y CALLAR A LA RADIO MEXICANA. ARCHIVO POLITICO, Carlos Ramirez, El Financiero pag. 23, 23 de abril de 1995 (Fragmento completo) "Lo denuncio Jesus Gonzales Schmall, distinguido expanista y ahora integrante de el grupo Foro Democratico. El viernes le fue impedida la entrada al estudio de radio Formula para su comentario cotidiano porque se nego a cumplir la consigna del dueno, Rogerio Azcarraga, de atacar y criticar al obispo Samuel Ruiz, a quien el gobierno quiere hacer aparecer como el responsable de la movilizacion de miles de indigenas zapatistas en la zona del dialogo. La instruccion de la Secretaria de Gobernacion, dijo Gonzales Schmall que le dijo Azcarraga, es criticar a la Comision Nacional de Intermediacion que dirige el Obispo Ruiz, a la que le quieren endosar la responsabilidad de la movilizacion de indigenas. Si bien es cierto que toda empresa privada de radio tiene el derecho de definir su linea informativa como mejor le parezca, el punto basico del conflicto es nuevamente el doble juego del gobierno. Si el gobierno tenia las pruebas de que el obispo Samuel Ruiz estaba jugando con cartas ocultas, lo mejor hubiera sido denunciarlo. Pero al acudir a las presiones secretas y a la manipulacion informativa, el gobierno zedillista esta definiendo su falta de voluntad politica para una negociacion digna de la paz en Chiapas. Y como el dialogo se debe realizar en funcion de una ley, entonces el gobierno zedillista podria ser acusado de incumplir o de violar una ley. El juego sucio contra el obispo Samuel Ruiz es otra evidencia mas del juego zigzagueante del gobierno zedillista..." EDITORIAL DE LA JORNADA Pag.2, 23 de abril de 1995 (fragmento completo) Chiapas y los Medios Electronicos. "De ser cierta la denuncia hecha publica el pasado viernes, por el ex dirigente panista Jesus Gonzales Schmall, en el sentido de que la Secretaria de Gobernacion habria girado instrucciones a las estaciones de radio a fin de que estas difundieran informaciones orientadas a censurar la labor de la Comision Nacional de Intermediacion en el proceso de dialogo entre el Gobierno Federal y el EZLN, nos encontrariamos ante un hecho capaz de erosionar seriamente el derecho de informar con libertad que deben de tener todos los medios de comunicacion de la Republica..." Transcripcion: Karin ********************************************************************************** ***************************************************************************** ORGANIZACION PARLAMENTARIA Y CONGRESIONAL PARA LA LIBERTAD DE INFORMACION ******************************************************************************* ESTE ES UN E MAIL OFICIAL DE MIEMBROS DEL CONGRESO MEXICANO; SU INTERVENCION ROBO O REPRODUCCION NO AUTORIZADA ESTA PENADA POR LA LEY EN TODOS LOS PAISES ++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ Los escritos representan el punto de vista de quien los suscribe y no necesariamente el de la organizacion. Se autoriza la reproduccion total de los E Mail publicos o de los que expresamente se indique. No se permite la reproduccion de E Mail privados bajo ningun concepto. /\/\/\/\/\/\/\/\/\/\/\/\/\/\/\/\/\/\/\/\/\/\/\/\/\/\/\/\/\/\/\/\/\/\/\/\/\/\ "Combatire con todas mis fuerzas tus escritos y pensamientos, pero dare mi vida por tu derecho a expresarlos" ***************************************************************************** La libertad y el derecho a la informacion es uno de los derechos humanos mas importantes, elementales y basicos para el desarrollo del hombre +++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ --- from list --- ------------------ From owner-seminar-12 Tue Apr 25 18:23:50 1995 Date: Tue, 25 Apr 1995 14:23:50 -0400 (EDT) From: Jon Beasley-Murray Subject: New Book: Zapata's Revenge,Apr.95 (fwd) ---------- Forwarded message ---------- Date: Tue, 25 Apr 95 13:19:48 CDT From: Harry M. Cleaver To: Jon Beasley-Murray Subject: New Book: Zapata's Revenge,Apr.95 This posting has been forwarded to you as a service of the Austin Comite de Solidaridad con Chiapas y Mexico. ---------- Forwarded message ---------- Date: Tue, 25 Apr 1995 11:18 MST From: SOC484AI@BOOTES.UNM.EDU To: Subject: Zapata's Revenge ***NOW AVAILABLE*** >From the Interhemispheric Resource Center and South End Press ZAPATA'S REVENGE: Free Trade and the Farm Crisis in Mexico. Tom Barry April 1995 ISBN: 089608-499-x $16.00 paper $40.00 cloth "ZAPATA'S REVENGE porvides a thoughtful and objective interpretation of one of Mexico's most serious economic issues, subsistence agricuture and the impact of the domestic and international market, and its relationship to political violence in southern Mexico." ---Roderic A. Camp, Latin American Cener, Tulane University The past and the future collide in ZAPATA'S REVENGE, a compelling account of the drama unfolding in the Mexican countryside. Visions of a modernized and industrialized nation competing in the global market clash with the sobering reality of a desperate peasantry and falling agricultural production. The crisis and rebellion in Chiapas is the same one confronting most of Mexico and the Third World. Close economic, geographic, and social connections between the United States and Mexico, make these issues of particular interest and importance to U.S. residents. Barry views the crises that confronts Mexico as alarming evidence of the incapacity of today's neoliberal and free trade policies to foster broad economic development. He explains that such strategies have resulted in reduced food security, environmental destruction, increased rural-urban polarization, depopulation of peasant communities, and social and political instability. This book offers personal interviews, investigative research, and analysis that goes to the heart of the development challenge faced by Mexico and other Latin American nations. ===================== Ordering Information: ===================== BY CHECK: Personal checks are acceptable for prepaid orders. Make checks payable to the Resource Center. For international orders checks must have encoded U.S. bank routing numbers and be drawn on U.S. accounts. BY VISA OR MASTERCARD: List your name as it appears on the card and provide your card number and expiration date. Sign your order request, and send it to the address below. Shipping and handling charges will be billed accordingly. ($12 minimum) BY PHONE (CREDIT CARDS ONLY): Call (505) 842-8288 between 9-5 MST. POSTAGE AND HANDLING: For domestic orders include $3 for the first item and add $.50 for each additional item. All items are sent via U.S. Postal Service book rate. Contact us for information regarding faster service. For international orders include $4 for the first book, $1.50 each additional for international surface book rate. For air book rate to Canada and Mexico, add $4 to the postage total. Contact us for all other internation air book rates. BOOKSTORES, WHOLESALERS, LIBRARIES, AND NON-PROFIT ORGANIZATIONS: please contact us for our policies and discounts. =================== O R D E R F O R M =================== ***************************************************************** (Or call 9 AM-5 PM MST Monday through Friday) ***************************************************************** ----------------------------------------------------------------- | Title | Quantity | Price each | Total $ | |_______________________|__________|_________________|__________ | | | | | |_______________________|__________|_________________|__________ | | | | | | |_______________________|__________|_________________|__________ | | Total Publications| | | __________________|_______________| | All orders must be prepaid. Postage | | | __________________|_______________| | Contribution(*) | | | __________________|_______________| | Total Amt Enclosed| | | __________________|_______________| | |_______________________________________________________________| Name ______________________________________________________ Organization ______________________________________________ Street ____________________________________________________ City ________________________________________ State _______ Zip ________ Daytime Phone _____________________________________________ Card Number _______________________________________________ Expiration Date ___________________________________________ Signature _________________________________________________ **************************************************************** Send your order to: Interhemispheric Resource Center Box 4506 Albuquerque, New Mexico 87102 Phone (505 842-8288) FAX (505 246-1601) --- from list --- ------------------ From owner-seminar-12 Wed Apr 26 05:30:55 1995 Date: Wed, 26 Apr 1995 01:30:55 -0400 (EDT) From: Alberto Moreiras Subject: Final Papers Dear class, my previous message had the wrong heading, and I thought some of you might not look it up. Please do. Salud, Alberto --- from list --- ------------------ From owner-seminar-12 Wed Apr 26 05:28:48 1995 Date: Wed, 26 Apr 1995 01:28:48 -0400 (EDT) From: Alberto Moreiras Subject: Re: New Book: Zapata's Revenge,Apr.95 (fwd) Dear class, this is to confirm what I said on Monday: the papers are due by Friday, but if someone is unable to finish it then, then please make every effort to let me have it by Monday. Thank you very much to all of you for your participation in class. I enjoyed myself a lot in this particular seminar. I hope we were able to solve some of the problems detected in early March. I'll see you around, Alberto --- from list --- ------------------ From owner-seminar-12 Thu Apr 27 16:53:45 1995 Date: Thu, 27 Apr 1995 12:53:45 -0400 (EDT) From: Jon Beasley-Murray Subject: Reforma: Chiapas:Ink and Internet War, Apr.26 (fwd) ---------- Forwarded message ---------- Date: Thu, 27 Apr 95 09:38:35 CDT From: Harry M. Cleaver To: Jon Beasley-Murray Subject: Reforma: Chiapas:Ink and Internet War, Apr.26 This posting has been forwarded to you as a service of the Austin Comite de Solidaridad con Chiapas y Mexico. ---------- Forwarded message ---------- Date: Thu, 27 Apr 1995 05:47:56 -0700 From: National Commission for Democracy in Mexico To: Subject: Chiapas:Ink and Internet War--Gurria (JOrn. 4/26) /* Written 11:16 PM Apr 26, 1995 by moonlight in igc:reg.mexico */ /* ---------- "Chiapas:Ink and Internet War--Gurri" ---------- */ From: National Commission for Democracy in Mexico Subject: Chiapas:Ink and Internet War--Gurria (JOrn. 4/26) Reforma, Abril 26, 1995 Translation from an article from the Mexican Newspaper Reforma, April 26, 1995 CHIAPAS IS A WAR OF INK AND INTERNET Mr. Gurri'a spoke in front of businessmen from 37 countries. The Secretary of Foreign Relations states that there has not been one shot fired in 15 months. By Rodolfo Montes The armed conflict in Chiapas is a war of ink, of written word and a war on the Internet, expressed yesterday Mr. Jose Angel Gurria, Secretary of Foreign Relations in from of businessmen and industrialists from 37 countries. "Chiapas, please take note, is a place where there has not been a shot fired in the last 15 months", stated Gurria in from of more than 150 industrialists gathered at the World Trade Center of this city. "The shots lasted 10 days, and ever since the war has been a war of ink, of written word, a war on the Internet". Internet is a worldwide network of information that can be accessed with a computer and a telephone line. In this network, to which have access 40 million users in 123 countries, businesses and individuals can receive data, text and graphics from practically anywhere in the world. One of the services available on the Internet is the complete speeches of "subcomandante Marcos". Gurria said that a political frame is being created, legal and legislative, supported by all political parties, so that the Zapatistas can feel comfortable and protected to sit down for the discussions. "Even though the dialogue might take a little more time than we expected, it will be nonetheless successful", said Mr. Gurria. The head of the Secretary of Foreign Relations promised that there will be complete investigations of the cases of Colosio and Ruiz Massieu. "The application of justice not only will be applied in those crimes but also on illegal businesses", warned Mr. Gurria. "The investigations have been taken to the highest possible places, and have involved names of the greatest importance and outstanding personalities in our society". "We had a devaluation that was overdue, and when the decisions are not taken at the right time, the market takes them and with a vengeance". Jose Angel Gurria, Secretary of Foreign Relations. (translated by JA Briones) --- from list --- ------------------ From owner-seminar-12 Sun May 7 23:24:16 1995 Date: Sun, 7 May 1995 19:24:16 -0400 (EDT) From: Jon Beasley-Murray Subject: Final message This will be the last message on this temporary list for the Salvador class. I'll dismantle the thing shortly. It was fun to have everyone on board both the list and the class. Have a good Summer, y'all! Take care Jon Jon Beasley-Murray Literature Program Duke University --- from list --- ------------------ From owner-seminar-12 Mon May 8 04:19:20 1995 Date: Mon, 8 May 1995 00:19:20 -0400 (EDT) From: Alberto Moreiras Subject: Re: Final message Dear Class, I hope I am still on time to send a final message myself. I am now working on your papers, and will have them all graded by tomorrow. Those of you who are still around and able to check your email should know that: if you let me know, preferably by way of a self-addressed, stamped envelope, where you will spend the next couple of weeks, I'll send you my comments there. Otherwise, make sure you come to see me at the end of August or early September, and the same thing will happen, most probably over some coffee. Again, thanks so much for your participation and energy. It was, for me, a great course. Have a good summer, Alberto

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