Date: Wed, 6 Dec 1995 18:51:03 +0100
From: neil-AT-lds.co.uk (neil birrell)
Subject: (Eng)Nantes social movement (Fr)


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R=C9SEAU-INFOS-FACS
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'We are a social movement not a student movement'

Nantes, as we know, was proud and terrible in March 1994 when it was
fighting against the CIP (1). The collective actions of libertarian groups,
Virus Mutinerie and SCALP, had allowed for the emergence in the heart of the
student population and further afield a new practice and a new theory. New
questions were being raised: what are the aims of education (should they be
profitable?), an end to the primacy of work, the sharing of wealth,
North-South global relations, racist laws etc.

The struggle in Nantes today.

It has its own characteristics which were evident two years ago and also
others new or more strongly asserted. It also shows certains defects old and
new.

As in March 1994, the struggle which is taking place on campus affirms its
autonomy (UNEF-ID is dead, UNEF is divided), its plurality (free and
accepted political expression for groups and individuals), and its direct
democracy (sovereign General Assembly, absence of hierarchy and
delegation...) It is also characterised by its openess to all be they
students, unemployed, workers, the excluded etc., its violence (2), its
parties. By its motions that have been passed and in the way it functions
the Nantes movement shows itself to be anti-capitalist, social - 'we are a
social movement, not a student movement' (1st December 1995) -
anti-hierarchical. What is more recent is its solidarity, really wanted and
organised alongside the struggling workers, in particular the workers of the
SNCF (TN French rail network): jointly organised demonstrations, concerted
action to get money for the strike funds...

By being aware of its own self identity the movement has considered full
self management for the university and has proposed a change in the
curriculum (permanent critic of knowledge and not simply its consumption),
its form (end of the paternalistic relation between students and teaching
staff) by puting an end to class divisions - opening the university to one
and all, ending the 'slavery' of the IATOSS personnel. This has not been
tried but it will be soon. That's a promise. But also there are various
faults which are becoming apparent. By putting in place a structure which
tries to exclude manipulation or political backlashes, the movement
sometimes gets bogged down in practical formalities which limit initiative.
The worst defect of the movement, but one which must also be considered its
greatest success, is its high degree of politisisation. By becoming aware of
the global nature of things, of their difficulties andd by wishing to
confront them head on the movement realises that it has no real critical and
liberating thought.

If critical elements exist, they are still weak and insuffisiant. That is
why many feel they have grasped the nettle but don't know by which end to
hold it. In order to solve the problem a day was dedicated to Marx and the
setting up of a liberation movement. 300 people took part and the outcome
was a belief in the the necessity to dispense with hierarchical, mass and
authoritarian organisations (such as PC, LCR, PO, LO) (...)

Also it is necessary to reread various revolutionnary ideologies - marxism,
anarchism, dadaism, situationalism... In Nantes the movement is not yet
revolutionnary but in a state of revolution.

Ballou (Scalp-Nantes)


(1) One can learn a lot by reading the pamphlet 'On a toujours raison de se
revolter' published in 1994 by the RESEAU No Pasaran. Available from Paris.
(2) The movement believes in direct action and has no hesitation in breaking
down the doors of those places it wishes to occupy. It is equally
disrespectful of the authorities - insulting, setiing up 'trials' of members
of the administrative council
in their presense during the occupation of the univerity presidents
residence (Friday 24th Nov), the spraying of President Jayez and other
academics with red wine. It accepts by a large majority street violence
against the police because it knows that the 'real troublemakers' are those
who by economic and political decisions smash up the lives of millions of
individuals: unemployment, exclusion, racism etc. It also will not hesitate
to make fun of journalistsbecause of their commitment to the system. For
example the media substituted in their report a light injury for a serious
one during the riots of Thursday 31st November in order to dramatise the
situation or else by never reporting (or nearly never) the political
decisions of the General Assembly in order to give the impression we are
still only demanding pencils and rubbers.


FREEDOM PRESS
http://www.lglobal.com/TAO/Freedom



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