Date: Fri, 29 Mar 1996 15:05:06 +1000 From: pmargin-AT-xchange.apana.org.au (Profit Margin) (by way of sjwright-AT-vaxc.cc.monash.edu.au (Steve Wright)) Subject: Re: E;French Strikes Against Neoliberalism? Feb 18 This article appeared in the montly publication _Frontline_, which is associated with the left of the union movement here in the state of Victoria. Steve Subject: E;French Strikes Against Neoliberalism? Feb 18 Message-ID: <199603280331.VAA05398-AT-eco.utexas.edu> Date: Wed, 27 Mar 1996 21:31:30 -0600 (CST) Sender: news-AT-xchange.apana.org.au Reply-To: "Harry M. Cleaver" <hmcleave-AT-mundo.eco.utexas.edu> This posting has been forwarded to you as a service of Accion Zapatista de Austin. NOTE BENE: The following article discusses the issue of whether the recent wave of strikes in France constituted a moment in the long anticipated counteroffensive against the neoliberal strategies of global capital --a counteroffensive some believe to have started with the EZLN uprising. This is an important issue, especially in light of the imminent EZLN-called gatherings on the struggle against neoliberalism. I am posting this piece as food for thought on this subject. Harry ---------- Forwarded message ---------- Date: Wed, 27 Mar 1996 10:59:43 -0800 From: D Shniad <shniad-AT-SFU.CA> To: Multiple recipients of list LABOR-L <LABOR-L-AT-YORKU.CA> Subject: Long article on the French strike 8 Date: Sun, 18 Feb 1996 21:13:35 +1000 From: dspratt-AT-peg.apc.org (David Spratt) (From Frontline, an activist newspaper in Australia.) FRANCE AFTER THE STRIKES Last gasp of the French labour movement, or first blow against the new Europe of money, markets and cutbacks? Our correspondent in Paris reports on the recent strikes in France. Sitting at the station in Paris, waiting for the train, I've been browsing through Alexander Cockburn's 'The Golden Age Is In Us'. Cockburn's diary reflects on last year's Chiapas rebellion in Mexico, and wonders whether 'that rising is the last of the old-style Latin American guerrilla movements, or the augury of the new fissures opening up in the global economy'. The same question has been exercising minds in Europe in the wake of the November and December strikes in France. Hundreds of thousands of people rallied against the Juppe government's restructuring plan, and the country was paralysed by strikes in all provincial centres. Was this massive mobilization the last gasp of the old labour coalition or was it the first sign of a broader challenge to the 'new Europe', a Europe based on global markets, competition, and the destruction of public institutions that were created as part of postwar reconstruction. France has a long tradition of centralized public service administration, a strong interventionist state, and an elaborate social security system. But as with the rest of Europe, the social chasm is wide. Huge billboard posters in the Metro from a Paris charity sum up the gulf between France's high tech modernist projects and the reality for 3.5 million unemployed. 'France: Its TGV high speed train. Its Ariane rocket. Its grand national library. Its 400,000 homeless'. Conservative cutbacks Jacques Chirac, leader of the conservative Rassemblement Pour la Republique (RPR) was elected as French President in May 1995, promising change and an end to this 'fracture sociale' after fourteen years under Socialist President Francois Mitterrand. Few people were aware of the speed with which the new conservative majority in the National Assembly would set its social and economic agenda. Prime Minister Alain Juppe presented his plan to the National Assembly on 15 November, arguing that France must reduce its public deficit if it is to remain an equal partner with Germany in the European Community. The government's proposals hit hard at workers, pensioners, the unemployed: * a new tax of 0.5 per cent on pretax income to reduce the public debt; * the removal of a 20 per cent tax allowance given to all employees; * a radical restructuring of the health system, with increased charges for public hospitals; * changes to retirement and superannuation schemes, workers now being required to work 40 years instead of 37.5 to receive pensions at the full rate; * a reduction of funding for universities and education; * new fiscal reforms affecting inflation and savings; * a massive restructuring of the public transport system, including the national railways (Societe Nationale de Chemin de Fer or SNCF), with the closure of 6000 km of track and the sacking of 30,000-50,000 workers. The trade unions seemed in a weak position to respond to an incoming conservative administration. Unlike Australia, with one peak union council, France has three major union confederations and a number of independent unions, divided on political and sectoral lines. The largest grouping, the Confederation General du Travail (CGT), has traditionally been aligned to the left and the Parti Communiste Francaise (PCF). The Confederation Francaise Democratique du Travail (CFDT) grew out of social-democratic traditions, while Force Ouvriere (FO), with American backing, split from the communist-controlled CGT after the Second World War. The union movement has lost much of its membership, with only 9.8 per cent of workers in France belonging to unions (down from 22 per cent in 1970). Most union members work in the public sector. Most leaders of the opposition Socialist Party accepted the need for Juppe's reforms; their disagreement was over the timing and manner of the cuts. This was clear in statements from CFDT leader Nicole Notat. A number of left-wing intellectuals around the review 'Esprit' launched a statement in support of the Juppe plan, agreeing with the need for a major overhaul of the social security system, and praising 'the courage and independence of spirit' of Nicole Notat as she lined up with the conservative government. Strikes and protests Public opposition was overwhelming, however, with opinion polls showing 80 per cent opposed to elements of the plan. As strikes and protests broke out around the country, two of the three major trade union confederations, FO and CGT, joined forces in a series of massive public protests. This was the first time since 1947 that the two competing union bodies had marched under one banner! Five hundred delegates and officials in the CFDT also signed a public statement supporting the strikes and criticizing the CFDT leadership. The cheminots, the railway workers of the SNCF, were at the forefront. By the end of November, the strikes spread through other public bodies: post and telecommunications, electricity and gas, kindergarten and primary school teachers, with some secondary and tertiary lecturers. University and high school students had been agitating over education cutbacks under the Bayrou plan and, after a national demonstration of 100,000 on 21 November, students continued to agitate, but their numbers were soon swamped by what one protester described as 'the grown-up's playtime'. The day after announcing his plan to the National Assembly, Prime Minister Juppe said that 'if two million people go onto the streets, my government will not survive'. With the target set, national rallies brought hundreds of thousands onto the streets in a series of 'Juppethons': 24 and 28 November, 5 and 7 December, culminating in two huge protests on 12 and 16 December. The 12 December rally saw more than two million protesters in 89 cities around the country. A major feature of the protest was the size of rallies all around the country, including some provincial centres not noted for their radicalism. On 5 December, as Juppe addressed the National Assembly in an attempt to calm the protests, the evening news presented the roll call: fights between police and protestors in Paris, Montpellier and Nantes; all SNCF trains halted; the Paris Metro out of action: 84 out of 135 mail sorting centres on strike; power supply reduced by 30 per cent as a third of EDF's workforce went on strike; one nuclear reactor shut down and 23 on reduced power; 25,000 rally in Caen, 40,000 in Bordeaux, 20,000 in Marseilles, 16,000 in Lyons, 35,000 in Toulouse, 30,000 in Clermont-Ferrand. French demonstrations are much noisier than Australian ones: megaphones and microphones; chants and songs; jazz bands and tuba players. People gather in a central square, march around the city for hours in the rain or snow, then go home. And no speeches! From the front line of dignitaries , the rallies extend through the streets, people marching under union banners, home-made signs, brightly coloured flags. Railway workers, teachers, unemployed groups, newspaper sellers scuttling up and down the edges, a homeless rights association dressed in Paris Commune gowns and singing 'Qui seme la misere, recolte la colere' ('Whoever sows poverty will harvest anger'). The CGT and FO contingents stand out, but there are dissident CFDT workers proudly flying their flag, and a number of banners are from a town, region or business which unites workers across union boundaries. Local protests As well as the rallies, strikers organized various actions on the ground: * Caen: striking postal powers occupied a mail sorting centre, and were still going strong when evicted by the riot police a month later. * Albi: EDF workers bricked up the office of the local conservative mayor after he denounced strikers as terrorists. * Montpellier: striking teachers set up a classroom in the main town square, and gave history lessons to Juppe, singing songs and reciting poetry. * Montlu=E7on: protestors blocked the local prefecture office by building a brick wall - the ' wall of money' - across the entrance. In Le Puy, the cheminots used railway ties for the same purpose. * Toulouse: striking students set off on a cross- country bike ride to Paris, to leaflet high schools in rural areas. * Paris: over 200 people occupied part of the Georges Pompidou Centre - the Centre for Contemporary Art at Beaubourg - after a call from a number of homeless people's organizations. The occupation held public meetings, inviting homeless activists, striking railway workers, illegal immigrants and more to discuss public housing, immigration law and unemployment benefits. Some centres developed quite intricate systems of local coordination. In Rouen, the strike started with a general assembly of 700 railway workers from the different union confederations. To avoid the bitter cold, the meeting adjourned to 'The Ditch', a giant SNCF railway shed at Sotteville used to repair locomotives. As the strike progressed, the cheminots invited delegates from other unions. By early December the general assembly each afternoon included postal workers, teachers, car workers from the local Renault factory, EDF power workers, unemployed activists and students; representatives of 22 unions and enterprises attended regularly. Teams of strikers went out on public transport to leaflet and talk to passengers about the reasons for the strike. The general meetings coordinated picket lines, planned rallies, and provided a forum for debate, argument and agitation. Such protests were not always easy. Police attacked a rally of striking coal miners at Feyming Merlbach in the Lorraine Basin. After police tear gassed a peaceful rally and beat up 30 strikers at Houilleres, the miners kidnapped the local conservative mayor and held him down a mine shaft for 13 hours. A rally of 2000 miners the net day was met by a force of 1000 police. Public opinion The strikes caused chaos throughout the country, especially in Paris: no mail; transport cut; people leaving home at 4 am to get to work, or staying overnight in city hotels; museums, galleries and public buildings closed; and disruption of travel, child care, schooling and care for the aged or infirm. But successive opinion polls showed that a majority (and up to 65 per cent ) of the public supported the strikers and condemned the arrogant and inflexible attitude of the government as it refused negotiations with union leaders. Early right-wing attempts to mount anti-strike rallies were soon replaced by splits in the government ranks, as the size of the protest became apparent. The scale and depth of social uprising surprised not only the government, but most intellectuals and media commentators, who had been proclaiming the end of old- style unions and class struggle, and the need for 'modernization' and ' globalization'. A decade of retreat by much of the left-wing intelligentsia was evident when Juppe put forward his proposals. Not only have many intellectuals in France given up changing the world, they've even stopped interpreting it. (Australian intellectuals take note: postmodernism is decidedly unfashionable in France at the moment.) The Socialist Party majority elected in 1981 soon gave up its radical agenda and introduced austerity policies, and elite opinion followed. As one commentator noted: 'From 1983 to 1993, socialist intellectuals and leaders abandoned all hope of transforming the world, and proposed (in the guise of a radiant future) the one program drawn from the Darwinian terminology so dear to the neoliberals: to adapt. That is, to renounce, to abdicate, to submit.' In the early days of the strikes, most media commentators kept up a drumbeat of attacks on 'privileged' public servants, who ignore the public good and the interests of the unemployed, who are 'in retreat from the modern world', and who need to act with more 'realism and responsibility' to accept 'the inevitability of globalization'. Gradually, it became clear that the scale of the protests transcended the narrow boundaries of the old labour movement. In a 'statement in support of the strikers' published on 4 December, five hundred intellectuals, church leaders and public figures from the left added their voices to the protests. Just as Jean Paul Sartre spoke to striking car workers at the Renault factory in Billancourt in May 1968, the current guru of French sociology, Pierre Bourdieu, went to Gare du Nord in Paris on 12 December to meet 500 striking railway workers. His speech highlighted the broader agenda of the events: 'We must retake democracy against the technocracy. We must finish with the tyranny of 'experts' from the World Bank and the IMF, who impose on us the verdicts of the new Leviathan - the financial markets - who don't listen or negotiate, but only explain what's good for us.' European reaction Internationalism, once the strength of the left, has become an arena for the transnational corporations, the IMF, and the institutions of the European Community. The strikes in France were watched with great interest in the rest of Europe. German Chancellor Helmut Kohl and other European leaders were concerned about the impact that the French strikes might have on their own communities. Railway workers in Belgium joined the strike, and a national day of protest on 13 December saw a rally of 60,000 in Brussels. Solidarity protests were held in Athens, Berlin, Rome and other cities. The resumption of French nuclear testing in the Pacific is part of an attempt to show that France is a major strategic force in Europe, and is a counterbalance to the overwhelming German dominance of the European Community. As French citizens rallied around the country on 5 December, the French Government announced that France will rejoin NATO's Military Committee, the first formal link since Charles de Gaulle withdrew the country from NATO in 1966. On 16 December, as 750,000 people rallied around France, leaders of the 15 members of the European Community met in Madrid for a summit of the European Council. The European leaders discussed the timetable for the introduction of a common European currency, the 'Euro', to be introduced in 1999, with national currencies to be phased out by 2002. The European Community will develop a list of countries that meet the criteria for 'convergence' with this new joint currency; criteria that have been defined by theories of free markets and privatization of public services. Countries must exercise 'budgetary discipline', and mount 'a struggle against inflation'. The Maastricht Treaty, which links the members of the European Community, defines the community as 'a system of open and competitive markets'. Like the NAFTA and APEC agreements, the key focus of inter-governmental meetings is on financial, trade and strategic interests, with limited attention to the social, cultural or environmental programs that could unit the regions of the world. Maastricht aims to introduce 'liberalization' and 'competitiveness' to areas of 'state monopoly' such as post and telecommunications, transport, and energy - a process familiar to citizens in Kennett's Victoria. A 1990 European directive liberalized telecommunications, with state monopolies due to end in 1998; a 1991 rail transport decree (which became law in France in 1995) separates management of rail infrastructure and access to the system, allowing private rail companies access to the rail network maintained by public funds; a January 1993 agreement frees up internal air travel; while the next area for 'liberalization' will be energy, where major consumers will be able to buy power >from the supplier of their choice while using existing infrastructure to deliver it. After the strikes After the strikes, a key change has been in the development of the French unions and social movements. Rank-and-file unionists have tasted some successes, and concerns expressed by labour movement activists have been articulated to a broad community right across the country. The CGT has reaffirmed its position, while debates by left-wing forces in the CFDT and FO will shake up French union structures. (CFDT Leader Nicole Notat launched a public attack on her critics within the labour movement, denouncing them as part of a left- wing network. A cartoon in 'Le Monde' shows Notat declaring: 'We've been infiltrated by leftists and unionists'!) At one level, both sides could claim some victories: Juppe was still prime minister even though his sacking was one of the aims of most protesters. The Juppe plan, though battered and amended, was not completely abandoned. For the unions, the railways restructuring plan was frozen, and the SNCF's director- general resigned. The government was forced to pledge f900 million extra for university education, and abandoned a number of the new taxes. Most importantly, the government's offensive was stalled, though not defeated. With Chirac as president for seven years, everyone is settling in for the long haul and expecting more action in the springtime. The social movement of November and December was constantly compared to the events of May 1968, but the differences are important. The student and worker uprising in 1968 was part of a global pattern of rebellion and repression, that spread through the Tet offensive, Mexico City, Chicago and Prague. At the time, 'everything was possible, and revolution was in the air'. But the 1960s era of economic growth is starkly different to today's economic situation, and the collapse of regimes in eastern Europe has destroyed one model for those advocating a planned economy. The global spread of unemployment and changing patterns of production across international boundaries pose new problems for labour and community groups focused on local issues. While the December strikes rallied most of public servants, the strikes did not extend into the private sector, where unionism is very weak. The protesters in the streets of France did not have a concrete alternative to the Juppe plan. But the scale of mobilization, and the debate, ferment and discussion of millions of people in action, has posed a fundamental challenge to the economic vision promoted by Europe's leaders. Ignacio Ramonet, writing in 'Le Monde Diplomatique', expressed it well: 'By their incredible revolt in December 1995, the French have collectively shown, for the first time, their rejection of a society based on economism, on uncontrolled liberalism, the totalitarianism of the market and the tyranny of globalization. They reminded their leaders about an old republican principle: citizens prefer disorder to injustice.' Just as the Chiapas revolt highlighted flaws in NAFTA, and the French strikes have set back the timetable for the European Community, there is a renewed need to look at APEC and decide whose interests are being served by the creation of a new Asia-Pacific region. -- To unsubscribe from this list send a message containing the words unsubscribe chiapas95 to majordomo-AT-eco.utexas.edu. 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