Date: Wed, 14 May 1997 09:59:45 +1000 From: Bruce Lindsay <bjlin1-AT-student.monash.edu.au> Subject: final points on the student occupations [Marg, I don't know if this is adequate to Leftlink, becuse it may be more for discussion purposes - and I'm sure it would draw them, which I know is not really what leftlink is about. It's more about circulating information. I'll leave it up to your discretion whether you want to post it. Thanks, regards, Bruce Lindsay][ everyone else can probably just ignore this bit!!] Further to the reports on the series of actions of the student movement in the last few weeks and days. At my own campus - Monash Clayton - I have been told by comrades of mine that the rally held yesterday to coincide with the University Council's meeting to endorse up-front fees actually produced the first notable setback for administration, when it forced the meeting to be abandoned and postponed until July. Those who saw the news got an idea of the increasing police presence and repression that is accompanying the students' actions these days. The Monash rally, was called at short notice and there were a couple of hundred students involved - and more to the point there were bands (who performed for free) and the action lasted all afternoon - the Council meeting being at 5pm. Apparently there were rumours of underground entrances but if so it didn't seem to make any difference. I was told that a number of councillors just gave up and went home, others (obviously with loser stamped across their foreheads) tried to get passed the students' line but failed. Also, the admin building was locked from early in the morning to deter occupation. So, like on the living income rally in March when BHP locked the building down in expectation of an occupation, we can use the *sense* of our power to make the Power go into seige-mode, without even actualizing it. I would say that this is a specific form of making our power real. I would like to make some further analytic points on the present movement, at least as far as I see it here in Melbourne and see the rest of the country from this perspective. Firstly, beginning with the BHP occupation last and building to the present wave of actions, there is a sense, if uncertain, that some space has opened by our collective actions, that there is *possibility*, and that it is a new possibility not dependant on the thankless petitioning of parties, government's, lobbied, etc, or upon the depressing memories of past glories (Whitlam?) or defeats (everything since?). This sense cannot be either overstated or ignored. Nor can it be isolated from other struggles. In many ways nothing has changed, we did not get Melbourne Uni to overturn its decision about fees. But I feel it was certainly a "strategic withdrawal". Part of its success was that it seems the strategic terrain has changed up to now, and that the demoralizing passivity of rallying and going home to our private, atomized existence is being shed. The technocratic-gangster state (in the university, or elsewhere) has not been so worried. We have many other struggles peppering it to thank also. It is important to remember I feel that, while getting many more people involved is important, we are striving for a qualitative change in the state of things - that those involved and getting involved begin to know something of their own power, ie. of our power and not their Power. Secondly, the character of the refusal in the student movement - specifically the present refusal of formal privatized, user-pays mechanisms - should be put in to the context of the restructuring of higher education (education as a whole?), accelerated by the conservative governments. It is aimed at an "amercanized" system, of elite (privatized/corporatized) schools, middle level technical schools, and the TAFE and labor market training system. The university I used to work at - Swinburne - stated this explicitly, and provides an excellent example of the middle level school: vocationalized, automated, austere. This system as a whole is aimed at reproducing the "dual economy" of elites (and the narrowing band who strive - mainly through massive debt - to enter their institutions) and "mass intellectuals" (whose skills are narrowed and education is increasingly integrated into a precarious, "flexible" labor-market). In so far as the restructuring imposes spending cuts and so forth, which must be seen in the context of the reorganization of welfare, income support, etc, serves on the one hand to push down the value of the *social wage*, that is it produces austerity. This increases and intensified the work of the unwaged student as well as the waged staff in the institutions, and also the work needed to survive studying (ie, waged work outside study, the reproductive work of women at home, etc). On the other hand, notably in *parts* of the technical universities (and even large universities) and in the TAFES/labor market training programs there is a tendency to *fuse* the unwaged work of the student to the needs of the labor market (eg. the constant move into and out of the school/workforce, the tailoring of courses to industries and capital's needs, incorporation of unpaid work as students into industrial workplaces). There is a an attendant heirarchy of exploitation in the education system as in the labor market itself. What the struggle against fees seems to represent in this context is a refusal of a key, strategic area of development - that of the establishment of elite schools (no doubt subsidized by taxpayers), which are in reality already massive corporations. The character of this refusal emerges out of the historic demands of the student movement for public education, not constituted as a *private* commodity. This does not means it has yet or has ever (or necessarily believes it has) come to terms with the status of education as a *public* commodity (eg. in the grading system), which organized heirarchy through the state instead of the "corporation." Neither does it mean that the movement has come to terms, to such a degree, with the struggles in other sectors of education and training (eg.against austerity, automation and "mechanization" of curriciulum, super-exploitation of the unwaged/low-paid, etc). Certainly, the increasing focus on a "living income" in place of Austudy/the dole is an important broadening of struggle against cuts to the social wage. Esepcially in its capacity to link with sectors outside of the "middle class" students. On the other hand, the occupation at Northern Met. TAFE was part of the struggle for the student union itself as a means of protecting students at this pole of the education system - vicious de-unionization is not just the province of the most exploited sectors of the working class but of their schools also - in the effort to further push down the conditions accumulated in the social wage. Thirdly, the series of occupations and "disruptions" reveals that the real strategy available to the movement is the public reappropriation of space (both social and physical). Furthermore, this is determined by the content of what students do - ie their work - which is essentially socialized, creative, intellectual, interactive. They cannot "withdraw" their labour in this regard because to withdraw from being social, creative, etc, is really negating yourself, even though capital wants us to do this more or less anyway. The occupations showed the possibility of reappropriating creativity, interactivity, etc, *on our terms* - even if this was on a very limited basis. It would seem to have been more fully developed at UTS, where they began to make links to other struggles such as Bougainville, as well as transform the nature of power and politics to participatory-democratic, collective, ethical, etc, processes. We can glimpse all of this in what has just happened. It is also important to note that at Melbourne Uni at least there was considerable sympathy generated among the staff - whose character of work is based upon the same creativity, interactivity, etc, as the students, only they are waged workers (and with differing interests because of this). The management likes to call them effectively "service" workers now. At the height of the actions on Friday, when there was a large march around the campus and the possibility of occupying other buildings (which happened half-heartedly in the Law Library), it would seem that there was some possibility of the some staff more concretely supporting the students. This would have been a decisive development but as it happened this didn't come off. The local staff union apparently refused to call a meeting of members. All of this raises the question of the relationship between the staff and students, and I guess more broadly the students and workers in general now that the bulk of the workforce is in the service sector and similary perform work that is social, creative, interactive, "personal," or whatever. For my part, I think that '68 is way dead, and the students cannot be seen as just a "detonator" of other social sectors, notably the factory workers, wage-workers, etc. Like other "social", community, etc, struggles, the students are being looked to as a way out of the mess. Now they are not just asserting *right* but moreover asserting the possibility of (democratic, collective...) *control*, ie, over their existence and their future, over social and material space. Fourthly, because the state is geared to "crisis" there has already been a visible increase in the level of repression and intimidation on the ground, although the student movement has been faced with overt political repression for several years. There is every likelihood that the level of repression will remain or get higher. This is true of the state police, including the regular presence of paramilitary forces in relation to the student movement (and the young working class in general), but on campus the increase in the level of campus cops and their greater presence (and probably enthusiasm). Fortunately the networks of student activists seem to be pretty well aware of the question of repression and the need for security. However, it would be reasonably safe to assume that numerous teams of well-paid (white, emotionally-retarded, homophobic...) members of Victoria's finest are buried away (in their well-appointed offices) figuring out how to "neutralize", "pacify," "surgically remove," etc the irritation in the student movement right now. Perhaps they know about all of this before you do! Well, that no doubt is more than enough for now. I can just imagine the criticisms that'll come down upon me for these suggestions. Oh well, that is the nature of learning I guess. Regards, Bruce Lindsay. --- from list aut-op-sy-AT-lists.village.virginia.edu ---
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