Date: Sat, 16 Oct 1999 16:05:04 +0100
Subject: AUT: Re: Pakistan and the military


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Pakistan

Military takes over

Troops took over key buildings in the capital, Islamabad, in the 
evening of October 12th, several hours after Prime Minister Nawaz
Sharif announced the dismissal of General Mussaraf. The Prime 
Minister and his brother were taken into "protective custody". 

Farooq Tariq 

[The author is General Secretary of the Labour Party of Pakistan]



In his first nation wide address, Army chief General Pervaiz 
Musharf did not mention martial law or announce any interim 
arrangements. He said that everyone was aware of the kind of 
turmoil and uncertainty that the country had gone through in 
recent times. "Not only have all the institutions been played 
around with, and systematically destroyed, the economy too is in 
a state of collapse  Despite all my advice, they tried to 
interfere with the armed forces, the last remaining viable 
institution in which all of you takes so much pride and look up 
to, at all times, for the stability, unity and integrity of our 
beloved country". 

This is the usual demagogy of any military ruler. But General 
Musharf has not yet announced martial law. 

The military coup was apparently provoked by the announcement of 
the dismissal of the General. Only one week earlier, the Nawaz 
Government had promoted the General to Chairman of the Joint 
Chief of Staff Committee. The General had immediately purged some
senior military officers who were known as Nawaz Sharif 
supporters. In retaliation, the Prime Minister  tried to dismiss 
the general. 

This was the immediate excuse for the military take-over. But the
main reasons are deeply rooted in the present economic crisis and
its political effects. The coup is part of the aftermath of the 
Kargil dispute with India over Kashmir. The Nawaz Government 
blamed army chiefs for Pakistan's defeat. 

In a move to reschedule the country's IMF loans, the Nawaz Sharif
Government recently blamed the Talban Government in Afghanistan 
for "terrorist activities inside Pakistan." This is a suprising 
U-turn. Pakistan is the only country in the world, which had 
formally recognized the Talban Government of Afghanistan. It has 
actively supported the Talabans to take over Kabul and other 
parts of Afghanistan. Sharif's sudden hostility to the Taliban 
was not appreciated by the various religious currents within the 
army. 

The economy is in absolute shatters. The Governmen's attempt to 
introduce a general sales tax was successfully opposed by the 
small traders association, which organized a nationwide strike on
4th September. In the face of this protest, the government 
ignored IMF instructions,  withdrew the GST and introduced a new 
tax. 

In another development, cotton growers were organizing massive 
demonstrations to demand an increase in guaranteed cotton prices.
This increase was opposed by the powerful All Pakistan Textile 
Manufacturers Association APTMA. Cotton amounts for 70% of  
Pakistan's exports. The country produces 10% of the world's 
cotton. On 10th October, a nationwide protest of peasants and 
cotton growers blocked all the main roads of Pakistan for several
hours.

All these developments exposed the extremely unpopular nature of 
the Nawaz Sharif government, and the dramtic decline in popular 
support for the Prime Minister. In early 1997, Nawaz won the 
general elections with 40% of the total vote, and 65% of seats in
the national assembly. It used its majority to remove 
constitutional guarantees of trade union rights, women's rights, 
and the protection minorities and small ethnic groups. The 
government tried to bring the bureaucracy under its absolute 
control, humiliateing the civil service in public. 

Nawaz Sharif wanted to rule like a Mughal emperor, with his words
translated into actions within seconds. He introduced a telephone
help line, where he would listen to any complaint and take 
immediate action. State television would follow the story, giving
people the impression that justice has been done in seconds. But 
all without any proper investigation of the complaint  

The Nawaz Sharif government also had an obsession with highway 
construction. He wanted his roads to be built in days. Any 
obstacles had to be removed, without considering alternatives. 
Not suprisingly, many historical buildings were bulldozed, 
provoking widespread discontent among the urban population. 

Despite his demagogy, Sharif was unable to implement the IMF 
agenda for quick privatization of the main public sector 
institutions like railway, telecommunication, and electricity. He
clashed with some of the international power companies which had 
signed contracts with the previous Benazir Bhutto government to 
build the power generation plants. These contracts allowed the 
power companies to sell this electricity at a price above the 
international competitive rate. The energy multinationals bribed 
the Benazir government to accept this deal. Nawaz's clique hadn't
shared in these kickbacks, so was rather hostile to the deal. In 
the end, the World Bank intervened, urging Nawaz to seek a 
compromise with the power companies. 

The Nawaz government also tested a nuclear bomb despite the 
hypocritical opposition of the USA. He went on war with India, 
and lost. This isolated the Nawaz Government from its religious 
constituency and its international backers. 

The governmented had high hopes that it could compensate by an 
ambitious trade relationship with the Daewo group. But that 
Korean multinational is in deep crisis, and is not ready to 
expand its Pakistan opperations.

The Nawaz Government was very weak, unstable and isolated. 
Suprisingly, this did not stop it from intensifying its conflict 
with the military hierarchy.

What now?

The military takeover did not provoke any resistance from the 
masses. There was a sense of confusion among the population, and,
to some extent, a sense of relief . 

The military have not yet developed their strategy. Unlike 
previous coups, the generals have not used religion as the main 
pretext for their action.  

If the generals try to establish open military rule under martial
law, they may face opposition from the IMF, the World Bank and 
the US government. So it seems more likely that they will install
a civilian puppet government?under  full military control. 

The main aim of this so-called civilian government will be the 
speedy implementation of the IMF agenda. 

The military take over is yet another setback for the left and 
trade union movement in Pakistan.



ARTICLE TWO

Declaration of the Labour Party of Pakistan 

Army out of politics! Workers interim government!

[Lahore, 13 October] The Labour Party Pakistan (LPP) strongly 
opposes the army coup, and demands that the army go back to the 
barracks. The LPP further demands the creation of a workers 
interim government to hold fresh elections for a new legislative 
assembly.

The army coup mirrors the deep-rooted economic crisis that has 
exposed the internal contradictions and infighting of the 
Pakistan ruling class. Nawaz Sharif, ex Prime Minister, wanted to
strengthen his dictatorial power by forcing the retirement of 
General Pervaiz Mussaraf. But this coup proves that the army is 
the real ruler of the country. Nawaz's attempt at grabbing power 
was deplorable. But the army coup is absolutely unacceptable.

The new government ?even if it is a civilian set up?will be a 
puppet in the army's hands. Whether we have a military or 
civilian regime now depends on the generals' negotiations with 
the IMF and the World Bank. The coup was against the plans of US 
imperialism, but the US will find a compromise with Pakistan's 
military strongmen. 

The new government will use accountability as a pretext, but this
will be an illusion. The new government will not be able to 
recover loans from defaulters. In fact, the masses will be taxed 
even more heavily, in a futile bid to overcome the economic 
crisis. 

The lack of protest against the coup proves the utter 
impopularity of the Nawaz regime, because of its economic 
policies. The new regime will have to carry out the same economic
policies. So it too will be increasingly unpopular.

The army coup will sharpen the national question in the three 
smaller provinces, particularly if the army resorts to 
dictatorial methods.

For the moment, the masses might feel some relief, because the 
army coup has replaced the Nawaz regime. But they will soon be 
disillusioned. The trade union movement, working class peasants, 
free press and political parties will suffer the loss of 
democratic rights. 

The class struggle will be even more difficult. The working class
will have to fight for democratic rights, in addition to their 
genuine rights and demands. 

The Labour Party of Pakistan (LPP) demands that the army return 
to barracks immediately. An interim workers peasant's government 
should be set up to hold the ruling class accountable. This 
workers peasant interim government should hold elections for a 
new legislative assembly. Democratic rights should be restored 
immediately. No ban should be imposed on meetings, 
demonstrations, and processions.

The LPP vows to mobilize the working class and peasants to press 
for these demands. It will launch a campaign for the restoration 
of democratic rights and it will not accept any attempt by the 
military to impose martial law.  



ARTICLE THREE

Pakistan

Labour Party Punjab conference

Farooq Sulehria

Almost 250 people from 18 districts attended the first Punjab 
Conference of the Labour Party of Pakistan in late September. 

In a lively discussion, delegates stressed that Nawaz Sharif's 
government might not complete its remaining two and half years 
[though no-one predicted the miliary coup of 12 October]

The capitalists have not solved any basic problems of the masses.
In the new era of globalisation, the process of recolonisation of
the poor countries have gone quite far. The per capita income in 
Pakistan has fallen from $US460 in 1990 to $340 in 1999. 
Religious fundamentalism has grown but a new Afganistan or Iran 
like situation is not an immediate threat in Pakistan. Delegates 
said it would be difficult for the army to take direct control, 
but that some new transitional government might take over, to 
ensure the speedy implementation of the IMF agenda of 
privatisation and introduction of new taxes.

There were no major differences between comrades' analysis of key
perspectives. Delegates reiterated their commitment for the ideas
of permanent revolution. 

The party's priorities have been fixed as youth, trade unions and
among the remaining Left in the province. Delegates resolved to 
study and learn from the recent successes of the LPP in Sind 
province. 

Only four delegates voted against the party's 43 member Punjab 
council. The newly elected provincial chairman is a a Railway 
worker from Rawalpindi. A former leading member of the Communist 
Party, he and 32 comrades joined the LPP in August, after three 
years of joint discussions. The conference was punctuated by a 
play about the peasant struggle against feudalism, and 
demonstrations against UN against Cuba and Iraq, and against 
federal rule in Sind province and against the killings of 
political activists of opposition in Sind

The conference was reported by most of the national media, and 
delegates congratulated local comrades for an impressive local 
propaganda campaign, covering the town with posters and wall 
slogans. 

International greetings were recieved from the Fourth 
International, Australia's DSP, the London group of the LLP, and 
the LIT.

 


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