Date: Mon, 25 Oct 1999 11:01:50 -0600
Subject: AUT: English Chiapas al Dia 179      I


ENGLISH VERSION OF "CHIAPAS AL DÍA" BULLETIN No. 179
CIEPAC
CHIAPAS, MEXICO
(October 15, 1999)


SOME REFLECTIONS ON CONFRONTING THE WAR


What is expressed below is not an attempt to offer a prescription, nor is
it simply reflection in and of itself. These interpretations and proposals
are the product of the analysis of the chiapaneco reality, the components
of the conflict and how the war has been developing.  It is also forms part
of the experiences and reflections that have taken place in some
communities in Chiapas.  Let these reflections serve, then, as elements for
the beginning a discussion in search of peaceful solutions to the conflict
that exists in Chiapas.

Introduction

Most people are feeling the effects of the pressures being exerted by the
International Monetary Fund (IMF), the Inter-American Development Bank
(IDB) and the World Bank on the governments of the countries of Latin
America, and of other parts of the world, to carry out a series of reforms
and structural adjustments.

Everyone knows that Mexico is not immune from these policies.  We have felt
the effects in the reforms to Article 27 of the Constitution, which
regulate land ownership and the putting into effect of the Certification
Program of Lot and Ejidal Rights (PROCEDE), which is nothing less than the
privatization of land in the communities, ejidos, cantons, ranches,
barrios, etcetera.  

The elimination of tortilla and milk subsidies, which, along with the other
products that make up the staple diet, has led to an indiscriminate rise in
prices.  The increase in the price of gasoline, which goes up one centavo
every day;  household gas, which rises five pesos every month.  Electricity
costs, which go up in price every two months - and the attempts to
privatize it - will worsen the conflict between Electricians Union workers
and the government.  But it will also be exacerbated by the fact that, as
prices increase, civil resistance grows through the communities' refusal to
pay for the electric service.

The budget cuts in agriculture, and the sale of CONASUPO's rural stores and
warehouses, are causing campesinos to not have any place to store their
production.  And, since prices are very low, harvests can rot, and bank
debts increase.  Cheaper transgenetic grains are being imported from the
United States.

The privatization of education, high registration fees and access to
student infrastructure are increasing, which have led to civil resistance
movements, such as the one at the UNAM.  But there are also other student
movements that are sporadically taking place in other states of the Republic.

Low wages, the dismantling of independent unions, unemployment and the few
possibilities for survival for the majority of the population:  these are
some of the elements that make Mexico a country on the verge of social
explosion. 

This structural adjustment is affecting everyone, regardless of their
political party, social organization, religious belief, political activism,
organized or not, and all the etceteras we could imagine.  That is, it is
affecting the PRI bases in the communities, zapatistas, PRDs, PTs, PANs,
those from different social organizations, Catholics and Evangelicals,
small and medium business persons, all of us who are not participating in
the decision-making of the structural adjustments.  However, big
businesspersons and economic and political power groups, who have governed
this country for more than seventy years, are benefiting  That is,
neoliberalism makes no distinction between political or religious
membership, only between social classes.  Where a minority of the rich
benefit, at the cost of the impoverishment of the majority.

CONSTRUCTING SOMETHING NEW

Given these policies, the possibility looms of conflict on a greater scale
in the country.  We must, therefore, to go about building new forms of
understanding and working on a new kind of society.  The thoughts of an
indigenous from the municipality of Huitiupan are worth noting here:  "The
PRI is like the rotten tree that is losing its branches, the trunk has not
yet fallen, we have to hurry up and plant a new tree in order to have some
place to take shelter, or, otherwise, the trunk is going to fall on top of
us, and it's going to kill many of us."

Zapatismo's political proposal has resonance because it emanates from this
vision of comprehensiveness, in the building of a new society, but also in
the establishment of a government that is adapted to it.  Zapatismo's
revolutionary potential is not in arms, nor in the size of its
organization, but rather in its political proposal, as a product of many
people, which comes from the depth and wisdom of the Indian peoples.  It
lies in their capacity for convocation, in the revitalizing of their
program, in their rising to events, and in the moral authority they have
for different actors in civil society in Mexico and in many parts of the
world.

Building that new kind of society in the ground of the concrete:  where the
war strategy is division of the communities and constant confrontation.
Where the PRIs are manipulated by the municipal presidents in order to
agitate against independent social organizations, against PRDs, against
zapatistas;  paramilitary groups are pitted against zapatista support
bases, Evangelicals against Catholics, and vice versa.  Between those who
pay for electricity, and those who do not;  between those who receive
government credits, and those who do not receive them;  between those in
Autonomous Municipalities in conflict with official municipalities, and the
communities who ask the Albores Guillen government for redistricting, and
so on and on.

The challenge of establishing a strategy is very difficult, but it is not
impossible.  What is being proposed here may cause controversy, but that is
what it is about:  beginning to discuss how to set forth on a different path.

Here is where I believe work can be established with new criteria, opening
us up to dialogue in order to go about learning the unknown.  We can
approach these proposals from the following aspects:

Economic Aspect:  In the analyses of the problems that exist in the
communities of Chiapas, we find that the same economic problems are being
experienced by those who are organized and by those who are not, by PRIs
and non-PRIs.  In most cases, the PRIs are not now suffering as much
repression at the hands of the police forces and the army, where they are
allied with them.  But, where they are not, they are also meeting
repression.  It is important, and necessary, then, for Non-Governmental
Organizations (NGOs), aid organizations who carry out development programs
and humanitarian aid, cooperatives, and so forth, to also approach those
communities with PRI members, including them in their programs, attending
to their needs, so that they can participate in the new work alternatives
that are being created.  We cannot repeat the same practices of the
government and of different development bodies, who only help their
activists, and, then, conditionally.  At the end of the day, many of the
PRI organizations are, little by little, becoming aware and becoming the
authors of their own fate.  The effects of neoliberal policies do not
distinguish between party memberships, but rather between social classes.
Whoever is most powerful is the one who benefits from structural
adjustment, whether it be the PAN or the PRI.  It could be argued that it
is not possible to help PRI communities, because the government gives them
aid.  As we have often criticized, however, those government programs, on
many occasions,  are only electoral measures, and we should also go about
giving those marginalized people new alternatives as well.  I believe
inclusivity should obtain in all senses. 

Political Aspect:  The same is true in the political arena as in the
economic.  The PRI organizations are taken into account  as long as they
are serving as stepping stones for deputies, senators, municipal
presidents, governors and candidates for the presidency of the Republic.
Afterwards, they forget about them.

As an example, we can look at the National Campesino Confederation (CNC) in
Chiapas.  It is no longer the strong organization that served as
counterweight and shock group against independent organizations.  It has
become quite weakened.  It has not even made an appearance during the
current campaigns of the PRI candidates.  The former members of the CNC are
now in leftist organizations, such as the CIOAC and UCD, or they have
created new organizations.  Since the campesino sector is moving away from
the government's hands, the latter has promoted the creation of Teachers
Campesino Solidarity (SOCAMA), with support in the communities through
teachers from Proletarian Line, with their "two-faced policies."

In this regard, it is worthwhile extending bridges of dialogue with
communities that are active in the PRI, who are controlled by the municipal
presidencies, as well as with PRI organizations that are also subjected to
repression.  For an example of this, one only need look at the PRI
indigenous of Union Progreso, in the municipality of El Bosque, who were
jailed as a result of the June 10, 1998 military offensive.

Before this can take place, independent organizations must approach these
communities in order to dialogue, not so much now to have them join their
organization, but rather to help them seek alternative solutions to their
problems.  Those of us who work in analyzing the reality and in groups of
reflection must do the same thing.  Human rights defense organizations will
have to seek rapprochement, and to create trust in those communities,
making them feel that they have bodies which are helping them, supporting
them unconditionally, and without their having to pay bribes in order to
have their problems resolved.  It is recognized that in Chiapas, and in
other parts of Mexico, some organizations have begun this type of work, but
it is still in its infancy.  Such is the case of some soldiers from the
Patriotic Command of the Raising of the Peoples' Conscience, or of General
Gallardo, who was imprisoned for having demanded the creation of a human
rights defense body within the Mexican Army.

Within international observation, observers must also approach those
communities, so that they can be recognized as not being "manipulators of
Indians," or "revolutionary tourists," as President Zedillo called them.
That they are, in fact, people of great humanity, interested in respect for
the right to life, regardless of whom it involves.  That image that was
created in the media must be done away with.

Social:  One of the things that the communities are most lacking is the
basic necessities in health, drinkable water and education.  It is
therefore also necessary that those basic services that have been
introduced into the communities - such as clinics, schools, drinkable water
and cooperative stores - be for everyone.  The preparation and construction
of these programs could be undertaken collectively. But these services
could serve as instruments of community reconciliation.

If we only strengthen one actor, we are contributing to polarization in the
communities, to creating an image of sects.  I believe that, even though in
our hearts we do not wish to be sectarian, without wanting to or planning
to, we are.  We sometimes repeat the same practices.

Religious:  One of the factors that is most strongly dividing the
communities is the religious one.  The majority of the Protestant groups
are being used by ejidal, communal, or municipal authorities, or by the
Army itself, in order to provoke problems with Catholics and to give the
conflict religious overtones, concealing the political factors behind the
religious.  One example is the alleged paramilitary group, Peace and
Justice in the northern region, who are mostly Presbyterians.  Their
actions have included the burning of Catholic churches, of which 12 have
been closed in the region thus far.  Some of them are being used as
libraries or as rural stores.

In this arena, it would be worthwhile working on two levels.  The first is
between priests and Evangelical pastors, in a rapprochement that would
extend bridges of dialogue, in order to go about setting the bases for
ecumenical work.  On the other hand, these reflections must be taken down
to the level of the parishioners, in order to begin building a religious
culture based on respect for difference and for minorities.

In other parts of the world, and in Chiapas, the church has had power,
moral authority and credibility in the mediation process of armed
conflicts, because it has known how to give ecclesiastical service to
everyone, without distinction.  It has known how to work with the truth,
and to propose the building of new morals in the face of the breakdown of
values by the war strategy.

We are not expecting a response from the government, because they have
already demonstrated their lack of political will in solving the problems
in Chiapas.  Five years have sufficed for that.  Nor should we expect the
PRIs to kill each other off, because then even worse ones would emerge.
The excess militarization and the creation of shock groups shows us that
the problem will not be solved in the short term.  At the end of the day,
those who are dying from, and feeling the effects of, the war, are the
communities, and we are the ones closest to them.  The solution, however,
is not going to be found by merely asking the government.  We must seek the
participation of the communities, families and individuals.  We must,
simultaneously, go about building structures from the lowest levels to the
highest ones, that will allow the building of Power, so that it can be
exercised.  Power is not exercised by just sitting in the municipal
presidents' offices, or by winning Senate or gubernatorial seats.  Spaces
of civilian watchfulness must be built, that will observe and monitor the
spending of economic resources, supervise works being carried out in the
municipalities, administer cultural and heritage centers, that will watch
budget intakes and outgoes in the municipalities, in the regions, and so
forth.

>From these organized spaces, alternatives will be able to be proposed for
solving a series of problems that exist in the communities.  We must,
however, look at them and address them. 


Onecimo Hidalgo

Center    of    Economic    and      Political     Investigations    of
Community    Action,    A.C.
CIEPAC
CIEPAC, member of the "Convergence of Civil Organizations for Democracy"
National Network (CONVERGENCIA), and member of RMALC (Mexico Action Network
on Free Trade)

 ******************************************
Translated by irlandesa for CIEPAC, A.C.
******************************************

Note:  If you use this information, cite the source and our email address.
We are grateful to the persons and institutions who have given us their
comments on these Bulletins.  CIEPAC, A.C. is a non-government and
non-profit organization, and your support is necessary for us to be able to
continue offering you this news and analysis service.  If you would like to
contribute, in any amount, we would infinitely appreciate your sending to
the bank account in the name of: 

CIEPAC, A.C.
Bank:  BANCOMER
Bank Account Number:  1003458-8  
Branch:  437
San Cristobal de las Casas, Chiapas, Mexico.
Thanks!

Note:  If you wish to be placed on a list to receive this English version
of the Bulletin, or the Spanish, or both, please direct a request to the
e-mail address shown below.  Indicate whether you wish to receive the email
or the "attached file" (Word 7 for Windows 95) version.

Email:                   ciepac-AT-laneta.apc.org

Web page:         http://www.ciepac.org/            (Visit us:  We have new
maps on the situation in Chiapas)



_________________________________________________________________________

CIEPAC, A.C.
Center for Economic and Political Investigations of Community Action
Eje Vial Uno Numero 11
Col. Jardines de Vista Hermosa
29297 San Cristobal, Chiapas, MEXICO
Telephone/Fax:	In Mexico:	01 967 85832
Outside Mexico:      +52 967 85832







 




ENGLISH VERSION OF "CHIAPAS AL DÍA" BULLETIN No. 179
CIEPAC
CHIAPAS, MEXICO
(October 15, 1999)


SOME REFLECTIONS ON CONFRONTING THE WAR


What is expressed below is not an attempt to offer a prescription, nor is
it simply reflection in and of itself. These interpretations and proposals
are the product of the analysis of the chiapaneco reality, the components
of the conflict and how the war has been developing.  It is also forms part
of the experiences and reflections that have taken place in some
communities in Chiapas.  Let these reflections serve, then, as elements for
the beginning a discussion in search of peaceful solutions to the conflict
that exists in Chiapas.

Introduction

Most people are feeling the effects of the pressures being exerted by the
International Monetary Fund (IMF), the Inter-American Development Bank
(IDB) and the World Bank on the governments of the countries of Latin
America, and of other parts of the world, to carry out a series of reforms
and structural adjustments.

Everyone knows that Mexico is not immune from these policies.  We have felt
the effects in the reforms to Article 27 of the Constitution, which
regulate land ownership and the putting into effect of the Certification
Program of Lot and Ejidal Rights (PROCEDE), which is nothing less than the
privatization of land in the communities, ejidos, cantons, ranches,
barrios, etcetera.  

The elimination of tortilla and milk subsidies, which, along with the other
products that make up the staple diet, has led to an indiscriminate rise in
prices.  The increase in the price of gasoline, which goes up one centavo
every day;  household gas, which rises five pesos every month.  Electricity
costs, which go up in price every two months - and the attempts to
privatize it - will worsen the conflict between Electricians Union workers
and the government.  But it will also be exacerbated by the fact that, as
prices increase, civil resistance grows through the communities' refusal to
pay for the electric service.

The budget cuts in agriculture, and the sale of CONASUPO's rural stores and
warehouses, are causing campesinos to not have any place to store their
production.  And, since prices are very low, harvests can rot, and bank
debts increase.  Cheaper transgenetic grains are being imported from the
United States.

The privatization of education, high registration fees and access to
student infrastructure are increasing, which have led to civil resistance
movements, such as the one at the UNAM.  But there are also other student
movements that are sporadically taking place in other states of the Republic.

Low wages, the dismantling of independent unions, unemployment and the few
possibilities for survival for the majority of the population:  these are
some of the elements that make Mexico a country on the verge of social
explosion. 

This structural adjustment is affecting everyone, regardless of their
political party, social organization, religious belief, political activism,
organized or not, and all the etceteras we could imagine.  That is, it is
affecting the PRI bases in the communities, zapatistas, PRDs, PTs, PANs,
those from different social organizations, Catholics and Evangelicals,
small and medium business persons, all of us who are not participating in
the decision-making of the structural adjustments.  However, big
businesspersons and economic and political power groups, who have governed
this country for more than seventy years, are benefiting  That is,
neoliberalism makes no distinction between political or religious
membership, only between social classes.  Where a minority of the rich
benefit, at the cost of the impoverishment of the majority.

CONSTRUCTING SOMETHING NEW

Given these policies, the possibility looms of conflict on a greater scale
in the country.  We must, therefore, to go about building new forms of
understanding and working on a new kind of society.  The thoughts of an
indigenous from the municipality of Huitiupan are worth noting here:  "The
PRI is like the rotten tree that is losing its branches, the trunk has not
yet fallen, we have to hurry up and plant a new tree in order to have some
place to take shelter, or, otherwise, the trunk is going to fall on top of
us, and it's going to kill many of us."

Zapatismo's political proposal has resonance because it emanates from this
vision of comprehensiveness, in the building of a new society, but also in
the establishment of a government that is adapted to it.  Zapatismo's
revolutionary potential is not in arms, nor in the size of its
organization, but rather in its political proposal, as a product of many
people, which comes from the depth and wisdom of the Indian peoples.  It
lies in their capacity for convocation, in the revitalizing of their
program, in their rising to events, and in the moral authority they have
for different actors in civil society in Mexico and in many parts of the
world.

Building that new kind of society in the ground of the concrete:  where the
war strategy is division of the communities and constant confrontation.
Where the PRIs are manipulated by the municipal presidents in order to
agitate against independent social organizations, against PRDs, against
zapatistas;  paramilitary groups are pitted against zapatista support
bases, Evangelicals against Catholics, and vice versa.  Between those who
pay for electricity, and those who do not;  between those who receive
government credits, and those who do not receive them;  between those in
Autonomous Municipalities in conflict with official municipalities, and the
communities who ask the Albores Guillen government for redistricting, and
so on and on.

The challenge of establishing a strategy is very difficult, but it is not
impossible.  What is being proposed here may cause controversy, but that is
what it is about:  beginning to discuss how to set forth on a different path.

Here is where I believe work can be established with new criteria, opening
us up to dialogue in order to go about learning the unknown.  We can
approach these proposals from the following aspects:

Economic Aspect:  In the analyses of the problems that exist in the
communities of Chiapas, we find that the same economic problems are being
experienced by those who are organized and by those who are not, by PRIs
and non-PRIs.  In most cases, the PRIs are not now suffering as much
repression at the hands of the police forces and the army, where they are
allied with them.  But, where they are not, they are also meeting
repression.  It is important, and necessary, then, for Non-Governmental
Organizations (NGOs), aid organizations who carry out development programs
and humanitarian aid, cooperatives, and so forth, to also approach those
communities with PRI members, including them in their programs, attending
to their needs, so that they can participate in the new work alternatives
that are being created.  We cannot repeat the same practices of the
government and of different development bodies, who only help their
activists, and, then, conditionally.  At the end of the day, many of the
PRI organizations are, little by little, becoming aware and becoming the
authors of their own fate.  The effects of neoliberal policies do not
distinguish between party memberships, but rather between social classes.
Whoever is most powerful is the one who benefits from structural
adjustment, whether it be the PAN or the PRI.  It could be argued that it
is not possible to help PRI communities, because the government gives them
aid.  As we have often criticized, however, those government programs, on
many occasions,  are only electoral measures, and we should also go about
giving those marginalized people new alternatives as well.  I believe
inclusivity should obtain in all senses. 

Political Aspect:  The same is true in the political arena as in the
economic.  The PRI organizations are taken into account  as long as they
are serving as stepping stones for deputies, senators, municipal
presidents, governors and candidates for the presidency of the Republic.
Afterwards, they forget about them.

As an example, we can look at the National Campesino Confederation (CNC) in
Chiapas.  It is no longer the strong organization that served as
counterweight and shock group against independent organizations.  It has
become quite weakened.  It has not even made an appearance during the
current campaigns of the PRI candidates.  The former members of the CNC are
now in leftist organizations, such as the CIOAC and UCD, or they have
created new organizations.  Since the campesino sector is moving away from
the government's hands, the latter has promoted the creation of Teachers
Campesino Solidarity (SOCAMA), with support in the communities through
teachers from Proletarian Line, with their "two-faced policies."

In this regard, it is worthwhile extending bridges of dialogue with
communities that are active in the PRI, who are controlled by the municipal
presidencies, as well as with PRI organizations that are also subjected to
repression.  For an example of this, one only need look at the PRI
indigenous of Union Progreso, in the municipality of El Bosque, who were
jailed as a result of the June 10, 1998 military offensive.

Before this can take place, independent organizations must approach these
communities in order to dialogue, not so much now to have them join their
organization, but rather to help them seek alternative solutions to their
problems.  Those of us who work in analyzing the reality and in groups of
reflection must do the same thing.  Human rights defense organizations will
have to seek rapprochement, and to create trust in those communities,
making them feel that they have bodies which are helping them, supporting
them unconditionally, and without their having to pay bribes in order to
have their problems resolved.  It is recognized that in Chiapas, and in
other parts of Mexico, some organizations have begun this type of work, but
it is still in its infancy.  Such is the case of some soldiers from the
Patriotic Command of the Raising of the Peoples' Conscience, or of General
Gallardo, who was imprisoned for having demanded the creation of a human
rights defense body within the Mexican Army.

Within international observation, observers must also approach those
communities, so that they can be recognized as not being "manipulators of
Indians," or "revolutionary tourists," as President Zedillo called them.
That they are, in fact, people of great humanity, interested in respect for
the right to life, regardless of whom it involves.  That image that was
created in the media must be done away with.

Social:  One of the things that the communities are most lacking is the
basic necessities in health, drinkable water and education.  It is
therefore also necessary that those basic services that have been
introduced into the communities - such as clinics, schools, drinkable water
and cooperative stores - be for everyone.  The preparation and construction
of these programs could be undertaken collectively. But these services
could serve as instruments of community reconciliation.

If we only strengthen one actor, we are contributing to polarization in the
communities, to creating an image of sects.  I believe that, even though in
our hearts we do not wish to be sectarian, without wanting to or planning
to, we are.  We sometimes repeat the same practices.

Religious:  One of the factors that is most strongly dividing the
communities is the religious one.  The majority of the Protestant groups
are being used by ejidal, communal, or municipal authorities, or by the
Army itself, in order to provoke problems with Catholics and to give the
conflict religious overtones, concealing the political factors behind the
religious.  One example is the alleged paramilitary group, Peace and
Justice in the northern region, who are mostly Presbyterians.  Their
actions have included the burning of Catholic churches, of which 12 have
been closed in the region thus far.  Some of them are being used as
libraries or as rural stores.

In this arena, it would be worthwhile working on two levels.  The first is
between priests and Evangelical pastors, in a rapprochement that would
extend bridges of dialogue, in order to go about setting the bases for
ecumenical work.  On the other hand, these reflections must be taken down
to the level of the parishioners, in order to begin building a religious
culture based on respect for difference and for minorities.

In other parts of the world, and in Chiapas, the church has had power,
moral authority and credibility in the mediation process of armed
conflicts, because it has known how to give ecclesiastical service to
everyone, without distinction.  It has known how to work with the truth,
and to propose the building of new morals in the face of the breakdown of
values by the war strategy.

We are not expecting a response from the government, because they have
already demonstrated their lack of political will in solving the problems
in Chiapas.  Five years have sufficed for that.  Nor should we expect the
PRIs to kill each other off, because then even worse ones would emerge.
The excess militarization and the creation of shock groups shows us that
the problem will not be solved in the short term.  At the end of the day,
those who are dying from, and feeling the effects of, the war, are the
communities, and we are the ones closest to them.  The solution, however,
is not going to be found by merely asking the government.  We must seek the
participation of the communities, families and individuals.  We must,
simultaneously, go about building structures from the lowest levels to the
highest ones, that will allow the building of Power, so that it can be
exercised.  Power is not exercised by just sitting in the municipal
presidents' offices, or by winning Senate or gubernatorial seats.  Spaces
of civilian watchfulness must be built, that will observe and monitor the
spending of economic resources, supervise works being carried out in the
municipalities, administer cultural and heritage centers, that will watch
budget intakes and outgoes in the municipalities, in the regions, and so
forth.

>From these organized spaces, alternatives will be able to be proposed for
solving a series of problems that exist in the communities.  We must,
however, look at them and address them. 


Onecimo Hidalgo

Center    of    Economic    and      Political     Investigations    of
Community    Action,    A.C.
CIEPAC
CIEPAC, member of the "Convergence of Civil Organizations for Democracy"
National Network (CONVERGENCIA), and member of RMALC (Mexico Action Network
on Free Trade)

 ******************************************
Translated by irlandesa for CIEPAC, A.C.
******************************************

Note:  If you use this information, cite the source and our email address.
We are grateful to the persons and institutions who have given us their
comments on these Bulletins.  CIEPAC, A.C. is a non-government and
non-profit organization, and your support is necessary for us to be able to
continue offering you this news and analysis service.  If you would like to
contribute, in any amount, we would infinitely appreciate your sending to
the bank account in the name of: 

CIEPAC, A.C.
Bank:  BANCOMER
Bank Account Number:  1003458-8  
Branch:  437
San Cristobal de las Casas, Chiapas, Mexico.
Thanks!

Note:  If you wish to be placed on a list to receive this English version
of the Bulletin, or the Spanish, or both, please direct a request to the
e-mail address shown below.  Indicate whether you wish to receive the email
or the "attached file" (Word 7 for Windows 95) version.

Email:                   ciepac-AT-laneta.apc.org

Web page:         http://www.ciepac.org/            (Visit us:  We have new
maps on the situation in Chiapas)



_________________________________________________________________________

CIEPAC, A.C.
Center for Economic and Political Investigations of Community Action
Eje Vial Uno Numero 11
Col. Jardines de Vista Hermosa
29297 San Cristobal, Chiapas, MEXICO
Telephone/Fax:	In Mexico:	01 967 85832
Outside Mexico:      +52 967 85832







 








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