Date: Tue, 23 Jan 2001 00:20:41 -0800 (PST) From: Sean Fenley <satellitecrash-AT-yahoo.com> Subject: AUT: Fwd: : Guardian Profile: Noam Chomsky --0-327254586-980238041=:5407 Note: forwarded message attached. __________________________________________________ Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Auctions - Buy the things you want at great prices. http://auctions.yahoo.com/ --0-327254586-980238041=:5407 X-Apparently-To: satellitecrash-AT-yahoo.com via web1002 Received: from web11203 (HELO web11203.mail.yahoo.com) (216.136.131.185) by mta211.mail.yahoo.com with SMTP; 22 Jan 2001 06:55:13 -0800 (PST) Message-ID: <20010122145513.55313.qmail-AT-web11203.mail.yahoo.com> Received: from [128.230.129.206] by web11203.mail.yahoo.com; Mon, 22 Jan 2001 06:55:13 PST Date: Mon, 22 Jan 2001 06:55:13 -0800 (PST) From: Zac Moore <zdmoore-AT-yahoo.com> Subject: : Guardian Profile: Noam Chomsky To: Ed Kinane <edkinane-AT-a-znet.com>, ozgurusenmez-AT-hotmail.com Cc: Sean Fenley <satellitecrash-AT-yahoo.com>, Paul Frazier <pfrazier-AT-twcny.rr.com> Content-Length: 28071 --- Zac Moore <ZDMoore-AT-maxwell.syr.edu> wrote: > From: Zac Moore <ZDMoore-AT-maxwell.syr.edu> > To: "'kota-AT-maxwell.syr.edu'" <kota-AT-maxwell.syr.edu> > CC: "'zdmoore-AT-yahoo.com'" <zdmoore-AT-yahoo.com> > Subject: FW: [surge] FWD: Guardian Profile: Noam > Chomsky > Date: Mon, 22 Jan 2001 05:45:26 -0500 > > > -----Original Message----- > From: jc markatos [mailto:markatos-AT-mindspring.com] > Sent: Monday, January 22, 2001 12:57 AM > To: The surge mailing list > Subject: [surge] FWD: Guardian Profile: Noam Chomsky > > > Students United for a Responsible Global Environment > - > www.unc.edu/surge > > > Subject: Fwd: Guardian Profile: Noam Chomsky > Date: Sun, 21 Jan 2001 12:57 > > The Guardian Profile: Noam Chomsky > > Conscience of a nation > > The child of working-class immigrants to America, he > has become one of the > 10 most quoted sources in the humanities - along > with Shakespeare and the > Bible. Maya Jaggi on the founding father of > linguistic philosophy and > tireless scourge of US imperialism > > Saturday January 20, 2001 > > When George W Bush is sworn in as US president > today, Washington will be > braced for the biggest inaugural-day demonstrations > since Vietnam war > protesters dogged Richard Nixon in 1973. The call to > the streets is backed > by a key veteran of that anti-war movement, Noam > Chomsky. Yet America's > number one dissident is neither surprised nor > disappointed by this election. > "It was a triumph of US democracy," he says, with > terse irony that can be > mistaken for cynicism. "Issues on which the business > world is united don't > arise in elections, so people vote on peripheral > issues the media > concentrate on: personality, style - will George > Bush remember where Canada > is? That's how to maintain power when you can't > control people by force. > That's exactly the way the Madisonian system is > supposed to work." > > Chomsky, now 72, has spent much of his life > stripping away America's most > cherished illusions. Attacking a political system of > "four-year > dictatorship" and an intelligentsia servile to > power, he sees not a free > press, but the paradox of "brainwashing under > freedom". A perennial scourge > of US foreign policy, from its Latin American > "backyard" to Israel and > Indonesia, he tilts at America's "flattering > self-image" of benevolent > intent. Domestic liberties in the world's freest > society coexist, he > insists, with an imperial dynamic that, in making > the world safe for US > capital, leaves the blood of atrocities on American > hands. > > Edward Said, professor of comparative literature at > Columbia University, > sees Chomsky's work as a "protracted war between > fact and a series of > myths". For him: "Noam is one of the most > significant challengers of unjust > power and delusions; he goes against every > assumption about American > altruism and humanitarianism." Another friend, the > journalist John Pilger, > agrees Chomsky's enduring theme is power, "that > unaccountable power must > always be scrutinised and never accepted at face > value. He strips away > layers of propaganda not recognised as propaganda, > brilliantly sifting > through political discourse. Often, he goes to the > public record, revealing > truth in the words of power itself." > > Chomsky's latest book, A New Generation Draws The > Line, is out next month. > Its title echoes Tony Blair's words on the 1999 > Kosovo war. For Chomsky, the > "official doctrine" of the dawn of a brave new era > of military intervention > to safeguard human rights is as much a sham as the > "New World Order" > trumpeted during the Gulf war. Contrasting the > avowed concern for Kosovo > with indifference to Kurds in Nato's ally Turkey, or > with US fuelling of > atrocities in Colombia and (with its British > sidekick) East Timor, he denies > that the inconsistency can be benign. On Kosovo, > Chomsky adds, since the > worst Serb atrocities predictably followed the Nato > air strikes they were > said to justify, protecting human rights was neither > a motive nor an > outcome. > > Chomsky first made his name in linguistic > philosophy, where the "Chomskian > revolution" in studying language as a faculty of the > mind/brain was pivotal > in the radical shift in cognitive science of the 50s > and 60s; the era before > him was known as "Linguistics BC". While he has > modified his linguistic > theory over the years - the latest being the > Minimalist Programme outlined > last autumn in his book New Horizons In The Study Of > Language And Mind - his > impact on the field has been likened to that of > Einstein or Freud. He has > broached barriers between the sciences and > humanities. "He did for cognitive > science what Galileo did for physical science," says > Neil Smith, professor > of linguistics at University College, London. "We > now study the mind as part > of the physical world." > > Chomsky ranks with Marx, Shakespeare and the Bible > as one of the 10 most > quoted sources in the humanities - and is the only > writer among them still > alive. Even one of his staunchest critics, the > philosopher Hilary Putnam, > acknowledged that reading Chomsky was to be "struck > by a sense of great > intellectual power; one knows one is encountering an > extraordinary mind", > whose virtues included "originality and scorn for > the faddish and > superficial". His dual prowess, in linguistics and > politics, and some 70 > books, have fuelled suspicions that there must be > two Chomskys. Yet their > relationship remains an enigma. When the New York > Times called him "arguably > the most important intellectual alive today", the > writer continued: "[So] > how can he write such terrible things about American > foreign policy?" > > His view of academics and journalists as "secular > priests" has scarcely > endeared him to the US media , yet his frequent > talks in the US and abroad > are guaranteed audiences in their thousands. His > speeches and interviews, > including transcriptions from local radio, cram the > internet. > > He is institute professor of linguistics and > philosophy at the Massachusetts > Institute of Technology in Cambridge, across the > Charles river from Boston. > His once wiry frame now appears fuller (though he > remains a keen swimmer), > and his soft, gravelly voice belies his reputation > for fierce rows. > Seriousness gives way to radiant anticipation of a > weekend visit from his > daughter Diane, who works for development agencies > with her Nicaraguan > husband in Managua, and and their two children, Ema > and Inti. (Chomsky and > his wife Carol have another daughter, Avi, who > teaches Latin American > history, and a son, Harry, a softwear engineer in > California.) > > Chomsky has described himself as a "fanatic" in > terms of workload and a > "neurotic letter writer". According to Morris Halle, > a colleague and friend > for more than 40 years, "when you send him five > pages of criticism, he sends > 10 pages back, whoever you are. It's not ego, it's > the substance of the > criticism that's the issue." Two assistants help > cope with the 200-odd > emails he receives each day. While many friends > stress Chomsky's work ethic, > phenomenal memory, ironic sense of humour and > self-effacement, Halle says he > is "not much for small talk; everything he does he > takes seriously - with > real commitment". > > Chomsky was born in 1928 in Philadelphia, > Pennsylvania, the eldest of two > boys. His father William, a Hebrew scholar, had fled > Russia in 1913 to avoid > being drafted into the Tsarist army. His mother > Elsie, who came as an infant > from Lithuania, also taught in Hebrew school. "My > immediate family was kind > of a Jewish ghetto in Philadelphia," says Chomsky. > "My father's family was > extremely orthodox, from an east European shtetl." > His mother's relatives, > who included communists, were "unemployed and > involved in a rich, vibrant > intellectual life - ranging from music and art to > political activity. Most > had little formal education, but it was a lively > working-class culture that > happened to be Jewish." One uncle in New York, "a > hunchback with a > background in crime", ran a newsstand on the corner > of 72nd Street and > Broadway. > > Chomsky was a child of the Great Depression of > 1929-39. "By the standards of > those days we were well off; both my parents had > jobs." Among his earliest > memories were "seeing people coming to the door > selling rags; and in a > trolley car with my mother, I saw people beating up > women strikers outside a > textile factory". He came early to political > consciousness. "I always felt > isolated in my picture of the world. This was the > late 30s; a time of > political activism, debate, and great fear of Hitler > conquering Europe. I > saw the world as a complicated, frightening place." > > Survival was tough for "the only Jewish family in a > lower-middle-class > neighbourhood that was mostly Irish and German > Catholic, and rabidly > anti-Semitic. The local kids went to Jesuit school, > and I grew up with a > visceral fear of Catholics. There were pro-Nazi beer > parties at the fall of > Paris. Then in December 1941 [after the Japanese > attacked the US fleet at > Pearl Harbor] the neighbourhood shifted 180 degrees. > The same people who > were cheering for the Nazis would open their doors > wearing tin hats to say, > 'pull down the blinds'. It was an educational > experience." He adds: "Neither > my brother nor I talked to my parents about this. > They were in the Jewish > ghetto and we were partly out in the streets. But it > wasn't the kind of > thing you talked about." > > On the origins of his acute sense of moral > responsibility, Chomsky is > tentative: "I was very moved as a young child by > oppression, destruction, > the intense fear of what was going on in Europe. I'd > hear Hitler's speeches > on the radio and see the reactions of my mother. By > the time I was nine or > 10 I was reading newspapers, and it went on from > there. It seems obvious: > you're responsible for your own actions, and their > anticipated > consequences." He was 16 when the US dropped the > atomic bomb on Hiroshima. > "I was in a Hebrew-speaking summer camp when news > came. I found it shocking, > and equally shocking to me was that nobody seemed to > care. There was nobody > to talk to because no-one saw it as an atrocity." > While his progressive > primary school had put a "premium on individual > creativity", he found his > high school - where he excelled - dullingly > competitive. > > Chomsky sees the debate among immigrants as his > political education. A > lifelong anarchist or "libertarian socialist" - not > a doctrine but a > "tendency in human thought" - he believes "violence, > deceit and lawlessness > are natural functions of the state". At 10 he wrote > an editorial for his > school newspaper on the fall of Barcelona in the > Spanish civil war, a > "lament about the rise of fascism". "I was always on > the side of the > losers," he said. He recalls: "I spent my free time > from age 13 picking up > anarchist books in stores. I was quickly attracted > to left anarchist > critiques of the Bolsheviks, and [became] interested > in the Spanish > anarchist revolution which was crushed by > communists." > > He was active in a "fringe of Zionism" - "always > opposed to a Jewish state, > and in favour of a bi-nationalist outcome in > Palestine based on Arab-Jewish > co-operation, which wasn't so unrealistic at the > time as it seems today". In > 1953 he spent six weeks on an Israeli kibbutz with > his wife, Carol Schatz > (now a linguist), whom he had known at Hebrew school > and married in 1949. > "We seriously thought of moving there; I liked the > life. The nice thing > about physical labour is you have a finite task - > when it's done, it's done. > No one's going to second-guess you." But there were > flaws in what Chomsky > saw as an anarchist experiment. "The way the Arabs, > and even Oriental Jews, > were treated was very ugly. The thing that disturbed > me most was the > ideological uniformity; it was deeply Stalinist - > left and Buberite - which > I found impossible to take." > > Drawn into linguistics at the University of > Pennsylvania, where he worked > under the libertarian Zellig Harris (and paid his > way as a Hebrew > schoolteacher), Chomsky became a junior fellow at > Harvard. He moved down the > road to MIT in 1955. "Jews were barely tolerated in > Harvard; they weren't > part of the cultural life. One reason MIT became so > great was that Jewish > intellectuals couldn't get jobs elsewhere." He felt > an outsider in other > ways. "I had no professional credentials. I got my > position here in a > research laboratory on electronics, of which I know > nothing. But it happened > to be the centre of innovative research and had no > vested interests in the > humanities. They were willing to experiment." > > His Syntactic Structures, published in 1957 when he > was 29, revolutionised > the study of language as part of psychology and > biology. >From his belief > that, despite the Babel of tongues, humans share an > innate language faculty, > or "organ", grew his theory of an underlying > Universal Grammar. New > disciplines, from psycholinguistics to how children > learn language, sprang > from his ideas. According to Jean Aitchison, > professor of language and > communication at Oxford: "In less than 120 pages, he > turned linguistics from > an obscure discipline, studied by missionaries, into > a major social science. > He shifted the question from the corpus of actual > utterance to the mental > system that produces it." > > > Heir to Enlightenment ideas of language as a "mirror > of the mind", Chomsky > shares the Cartesian view that language is the human > inheritance that most > distinguishes man from animal or machine. (A > chimpanzee whom researchers in > the 1970s tried unsuccessfully to teach sign > language was roguishly named > Nim Chimpsky.) His work is still disparaged in some > quarters as unscientific > "MIT mentalism". Yet according to Steven Pinker, > professor of psychology at > MIT and author of The Language Instinct, Chomsky's > "theory of generative > grammar is the most common single approach to > linguistics even today. It's a > minority view, but everyone sets their sights on it: > it's the theory to > beat." > > Chomsky's scathing 1959 review of BF Skinner, for > whom language was merely > learnt behaviour, bucked the empiricist tenet of the > blank slate - that > there is nothing in the mind that was not first in > the senses. "He gave the > first, fatal shot to the school of behaviourism, and > made theories of innate > mental structure respectable after centuries of > their being unthinkable," > says Pinker, who hints at one link between theories > of language and > politics: "Skinner said behaviour should be > controlled; he wanted to turn > society into a Skinner box - rewarding and punishing > humans like the rats > and pigeons in his experiments, a vision Chomsky > described as like a > "well-run concentration camp". > > Chomsky has tended to shy away from explicitly > linking his linguistic and > political theories. Others, though, link his > insistence on universality - > that everybody speaks "human" - and the creativity > evidenced by language to > his anarchist vision of free association. Political > systems often rest on a > view of human nature, and in his 1970 essay Language > And Freedom, Chomsky > wrote of language as a "springboard" for > investigating that nature. > "Linkages were drawn in the 17th and 18th centuries > between language as a > fundamental, creative component of intelligence, and > an instinct for freedom > that could be the basis of how humans organise their > lives," he says. "I > think there is something to it, though there's > certainly no logical > connection. > > "But it's an interesting question as to why > behaviourism had the appeal and > prestige it did when it's so barren and shallow. > Within the Marxist left - > not including Marx - there's a strong tendency to > insist there is no human > nature; that people are just constructed by their > historical circumstances > and environment. This makes no sense, but these > ideas are very convenient > for those who aspire to managerial politics; they > remove moral barriers to > manipulation and coercion. > > "If people have no fundamental human nature based on > some instinct for > freedom that can challenge and overthrow aggression > and hierarchy, then > there really are no moral values; if people are > ignorant, malleable > creatures who can be modified by experience and > training, they can be > controlled for their own good. That's an appealing > idea to intellectuals > across the political spectrum. Leninism is one > expression of it, and social > democracy is another." > > By 1961, Chomsky was a full professor at MIT, happy > in his research, and > with a young family. In 1964, supporting students > against the draft, he > began openly resisting the Vietnam war ("it would > have been hopelessly > immoral not to"). He rues it was "already much too > late; after the US > invaded South Vietnam, what we call ethnic cleansing > when others are doing > it was going on from the early 60s. That was the > time to get seriously > involved." He knew there was no going back. "It was > a tremendous burden for > my wife. She went back to college and got a degree > partly because it looked > as though I might go to jail." > > For years, he recalls, "it was almost impossible to > act publicly against the > war. In Boston, a liberal city which likes to call > itself the Athens of > America, I spoke at the first major public meeting, > in October 1965. We were > attacked by hordes of people, and were only saved by > the state police: they > didn't like what we were saying but didn't want > people murdered on Boston > Common." He became a tax resister in 1966 and was > arrested at the 1967 > Pentagon protest. Norman Mailer, who was jailed with > him, recalled a "slim, > sharp- featured man with an ascetic expression and > an air of gentle but > absolute moral authority" - who seemed "uneasy at > the thought of missing > class on Monday". > > In his 1966 essay The Responsibility Of > Intellectuals, Chomsky described > their duty as being "to speak the truth and to > expose lies". His first > collection of political writings, American Power and > the New Mandarins, was > published in 1969. While intellectuals and > "commissars" lie in the service > of power, he suggests, it requires no expertise > other than "Cartesian common > sense" to understand politics or foreign affairs. > Some critics have objected > to an opposition between indoctrinated "elites" and > "the people". He > responds: "In any inegalitarian society, there's a > natural tendency for > those who share wealth and power to try to maintain > it. Some systems do it > by force; others by gaining the consent of the > population, or at least their > passivity." > > In Manufacturing Consent, co-authored with Edward > Herman, Chomsky proposed a > model of the mass media that moulds this consent > with bias and omission. > "Propaganda is to democracy what violence is to > totalitarianism," they > wrote. While some see the "propaganda model" as > reducing everyone to dupes > or liars, others have dismissed it as conspiracy > theory. "It's exactly the > opposite - it's free-market theory," says Chomsky. > "The media are major > corporations. They sell a product (readers or > viewers) to a market > (advertisers). If a Martian were looking at this > system, what would he > expect? That the media product would be shaped by > the perspectives and > interests of the sellers and buyers and the external > conditions (the state). > You'd expect no interaction at all. It's no more a > conspiracy than that > General Motors tries to make a profit." > > The internet is a means of evading media > limitations, he believes, citing > protests, such as those in Seattle, which were > heavily reliant on net > organisation. But he sees a struggle being waged, > since net development was > handed to private corporations in the mid-90s, > between its use as an > "information superhighway"and as a channel for > "ecommerce". He says: "As > long as it was in the public sector it was free and > open but limited; few > people had access. Now access is wider, but the > freedom is under attack." > > In Deterring Democracy, and other books on > international affairs, Chomsky > has copiously documented how Washington thwarts > democratic experiments > across the globe. Though his focus is increasingly > on economic and trade > issues, he continues to hold the US to account as a > "rogue superpower" which > distinguishes between "worthy" and "unworthy" > victims of atrocity depending > on whether they take place in a client state or in > an "official enemy". He > claims that if the Nuremberg laws had been applied > then every post-war > American president would have been hanged. > > He was accused of playing down Khmer Rouge > atrocities in Cambodia, but > maintains he was merely telling the truth about the > number of deaths. "We > also pointed out that casualties of American bombing > had been greatly > exaggerated, but no one criticised us for correcting > that." > > Nor does he expect change under Bush's secretary of > state Colin Powell: "If > you take Republicans at their words, they'll > probably be willing to use > force only in more limited ways under the 'Powell > doctrine' that says don't > intervene except with massive and overwhelming > force. That's only a nuance > of difference with the Democrats." But he deems the > new administration "much > more dangerous" in its commitment to the national > missile defence programme. > "It'll be interpreted as a first-strike weapon > system by any potential > adversary. It's absolutely insane." > > Fred Halliday, professor of international relations > at the LSE, believes > Chomsky, a luminary of a "new anti-imperialism", > overestimates US power and > underestimates a public shift in attitudes and > debates on human rights in > the past 10 years. "He's become the guru of the new > anti-capitalist and > Third World movements. They take his views very > uncritically; it's part of > the Seattle mood - whatever America does is wrong. > He confronts orthodoxy > but he's becoming a big simplifier. What he can't > see is Third World and > other regimes that are oppressive and not controlled > by America." > > Pinker believes a tendency to treat Chomsky as a > "guru and pontiff or a > great satan" is encouraged by his own style, "which > portrays people who > disagree with him as stupid or evil, using withering > scorn in his rhetoric. > It's great sport if you identify with him, but it > leads to equally extreme > responses on the opposite side." For Neil Smith, > however, Chomsky "can be a > ruthless debater in arguing for what he believes is > the truth. He thinks > faster than other people and tends to win arguments. > But he's divisive only > because he puts forward novel positions that > undermine others." > > Chomsky drew flak in the early 80s for his stand for > free speech in the case > of Robert Faurisson, the French professor convicted > in court of falsifying > history for denying the existence of Nazi gas > chambers. Chomsky says: "The > principle that the state should determine historical > truth and punish those > who say otherwise is a legacy of totalitarianism. In > this case what the > state determines to be true happens to be true, but > that's irrelevant. It > doesn't show great sympathy for the memory of > victims of the holocaust to > adopt the doctrines of their murderers." He also > opposed the ITN libel case > last year against LM magazine, which had alleged > images of Trnopolje camp in > Bosnia had been falsified - as a big media > corporation muscling in against > free speech. > > For the Oxford historian Stephen Howe, Chomsky has > "the faults as well as > the virtues of the great moral crusader. Sometimes > his attacks can seem > excessive and indiscriminate." Phil Edwards, former > culture editor of Red > Pepper magazine, believes "it's difficult to > criticise Chomsky on the left - > which is odd, given his own denunciation of > conformity". > > Chomsky himself discourages uncritical adherence to > anyone's views, whether > by Marxists or Freudians. He disavows the "Talmudic > certainty" one > commentator once attributed to him. "It's a bad > choice of words; the Talmud > is anything but certain - it's full of debate and > argument. But if it's > true, it's a fault." > > On whether he is slowing down, he says: "I have to > retire, but I don't think > anything will change. My professional work is > intense and exciting, and > political commitments grow. Something has to go if > you try to live two > intense lives - like relaxation. If my wife and I > get to see one movie in a > year, we consider it a triumph." But on Cape Cod > they have a summer cottage > and a sailing boat. "It's the only way I can survive > the rest of the year." > > For Pilger, who says Chomsky almost single-handedly > exposed Indonesian > atrocities in East Timor, he is a "genuine people's > hero; an inspiration for > struggles all over the world for that basic decency > known as freedom. To a > lot of people in the margins - activists and > movements - he's unfailingly > supportive." While some sense cynicism ("a realistic > account of the way the > world works will sound cynical"), Chomsky favours > Gramsci's "pessimism of > the intellect, optimism of the will". In his own > unique role as a moral > conscience, insisting that the privileges of the > "free world" should not > rest on corpses elsewhere, some see a theological > thrust; that he carries a > higher moral torch for the world's most powerful > country. > > "There's truth in that," he says. "I'm a citizen of > the United States and I > have a share of responsibility for what it does. I'd > like to see it act in > ways that meet decent moral standards. It's back to > moral truisms: it's of > little moral value to criticise the crimes of > someone else - though you > should do it, and tell the truth. I have no > influence over the policies of > Sudan but a certain degree over the policies of the > US. It's not a matter of > expectation but of aspiration." > > Life at a glance: Avram Noam Chomsky > > Born: December 7 1928, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.. > > Education: Oak Lane Country Day School; Central High > School, Phila- > delphia;University of Pennsylvania. > > Married: 1949 Carol Schatz (two daughters Avi, > Diane; one son, Harry). > > Career: 1951-55 Junior fellow, Harvard University; > 1955- Massachusetts > Institute of Technology, 1961 professor, 1976- > institute professor, > linguistics and philosophy. > > Some books: Syntactic Structures ('57), American > Power And The New Mandarins > (69) Language And Responsibility (79), The Chomsky > Reader (87), > Manufacturing Consent (88), Necessary Illusions > (89), Deterring Democracy > (92), Year 501 (93), World Orders, Old And New (97), > Fateful Triangle > (updated 99), The New Military Humanism (99), Rogue > States (00), New > Horizons In The Study Of Language and Mind (00), A > New Generation Draws The > Line (01). > > . A New Generation Draws The Line is published by > Verso on February 20 at > £15. New Horizons In The Study Of Language And Mind > is published by > Cambridge University Press at £12.95 > > > _________________________________________________________________ > --- > You are currently subscribed to surge as: > zdmoore-AT-maxwell.syr.edu > To unsubscribe send a blank email to > leave-surge-186687Y-AT-listserv.unc.edu > __________________________________________________ Do You Yahoo!? Yahoo! Auctions - Buy the things you want at great prices. http://auctions.yahoo.com/ --0-327254586-980238041=:5407-- --- from list aut-op-sy-AT-lists.village.virginia.edu ---
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