File spoon-archives/aut-op-sy.archive/aut-op-sy_2001/aut-op-sy.0101, message 56


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From: Sean Fenley <satellitecrash-AT-yahoo.com>
Subject: AUT: Fwd: : Guardian Profile: Noam Chomsky


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From: Zac Moore <zdmoore-AT-yahoo.com>
Subject: : Guardian Profile: Noam Chomsky
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--- Zac Moore <ZDMoore-AT-maxwell.syr.edu> wrote:
> From: Zac Moore <ZDMoore-AT-maxwell.syr.edu>
> To: "'kota-AT-maxwell.syr.edu'" <kota-AT-maxwell.syr.edu>
> CC: "'zdmoore-AT-yahoo.com'" <zdmoore-AT-yahoo.com>
> Subject: FW: [surge] FWD: Guardian Profile: Noam
> Chomsky
> Date: Mon, 22 Jan 2001 05:45:26 -0500
> 
>  
> -----Original Message-----
> From: jc markatos [mailto:markatos-AT-mindspring.com]
> Sent: Monday, January 22, 2001 12:57 AM
> To: The surge mailing list
> Subject: [surge] FWD: Guardian Profile: Noam Chomsky
> 
> 
> Students United for a Responsible Global Environment
> - 
> www.unc.edu/surge
> 
> 
> Subject: Fwd: Guardian Profile: Noam Chomsky
> Date: Sun, 21 Jan 2001 12:57
> 
> The Guardian Profile: Noam Chomsky
> 
> Conscience of a nation
> 
> The child of working-class immigrants to America, he
> has become one of the
> 10 most quoted sources in the humanities - along
> with Shakespeare and the
> Bible. Maya Jaggi on the founding father of
> linguistic philosophy and
> tireless scourge of US imperialism
> 
> Saturday January 20, 2001
> 
> When George W Bush is sworn in as US president
> today, Washington will be
> braced for the biggest inaugural-day demonstrations
> since Vietnam war
> protesters dogged Richard Nixon in 1973. The call to
> the streets is backed
> by a key veteran of that anti-war movement, Noam
> Chomsky. Yet America's
> number one dissident is neither surprised nor
> disappointed by this election.
> "It was a triumph of US democracy," he says, with
> terse irony that can be
> mistaken for cynicism. "Issues on which the business
> world is united don't
> arise in elections, so people vote on peripheral
> issues the media
> concentrate on: personality, style - will George
> Bush remember where Canada
> is? That's how to maintain power when you can't
> control people by force.
> That's exactly the way the Madisonian system is
> supposed to work."
> 
> Chomsky, now 72, has spent much of his life
> stripping away America's most
> cherished illusions. Attacking a political system of
> "four-year
> dictatorship" and an intelligentsia servile to
> power, he sees not a free
> press, but the paradox of "brainwashing under
> freedom". A perennial scourge
> of US foreign policy, from its Latin American
> "backyard" to Israel and
> Indonesia, he tilts at America's "flattering
> self-image" of benevolent
> intent. Domestic liberties in the world's freest
> society coexist, he
> insists, with an imperial dynamic that, in making
> the world safe for US
> capital, leaves the blood of atrocities on American
> hands.
> 
> Edward Said, professor of comparative literature at
> Columbia University,
> sees Chomsky's work as a "protracted war between
> fact and a series of
> myths". For him: "Noam is one of the most
> significant challengers of unjust
> power and delusions; he goes against every
> assumption about American
> altruism and humanitarianism." Another friend, the
> journalist John Pilger,
> agrees Chomsky's enduring theme is power, "that
> unaccountable power must
> always be scrutinised and never accepted at face
> value. He strips away
> layers of propaganda not recognised as propaganda,
> brilliantly sifting
> through political discourse. Often, he goes to the
> public record, revealing
> truth in the words of power itself."
> 
> Chomsky's latest book, A New Generation Draws The
> Line, is out next month.
> Its title echoes Tony Blair's words on the 1999
> Kosovo war. For Chomsky, the
> "official doctrine" of the dawn of a brave new era
> of military intervention
> to safeguard human rights is as much a sham as the
> "New World Order"
> trumpeted during the Gulf war. Contrasting the
> avowed concern for Kosovo
> with indifference to Kurds in Nato's ally Turkey, or
> with US fuelling of
> atrocities in Colombia and (with its British
> sidekick) East Timor, he denies
> that the inconsistency can be benign. On Kosovo,
> Chomsky adds, since the
> worst Serb atrocities predictably followed the Nato
> air strikes they were
> said to justify, protecting human rights was neither
> a motive nor an
> outcome.
> 
> Chomsky first made his name in linguistic
> philosophy, where the "Chomskian
> revolution" in studying language as a faculty of the
> mind/brain was pivotal
> in the radical shift in cognitive science of the 50s
> and 60s; the era before
> him was known as "Linguistics BC". While he has
> modified his linguistic
> theory over the years - the latest being the
> Minimalist Programme outlined
> last autumn in his book New Horizons In The Study Of
> Language And Mind - his
> impact on the field has been likened to that of
> Einstein or Freud. He has
> broached barriers between the sciences and
> humanities. "He did for cognitive
> science what Galileo did for physical science," says
> Neil Smith, professor
> of linguistics at University College, London. "We
> now study the mind as part
> of the physical world."
> 
> Chomsky ranks with Marx, Shakespeare and the Bible
> as one of the 10 most
> quoted sources in the humanities - and is the only
> writer among them still
> alive. Even one of his staunchest critics, the
> philosopher Hilary Putnam,
> acknowledged that reading Chomsky was to be "struck
> by a sense of great
> intellectual power; one knows one is encountering an
> extraordinary mind",
> whose virtues included "originality and scorn for
> the faddish and
> superficial". His dual prowess, in linguistics and
> politics, and some 70
> books, have fuelled suspicions that there must be
> two Chomskys. Yet their
> relationship remains an enigma. When the New York
> Times called him "arguably
> the most important intellectual alive today", the
> writer continued: "[So]
> how can he write such terrible things about American
> foreign policy?"
> 
> His view of academics and journalists as "secular
> priests" has scarcely
> endeared him to the US media , yet his frequent
> talks in the US and abroad
> are guaranteed audiences in their thousands. His
> speeches and interviews,
> including transcriptions from local radio, cram the
> internet.
> 
> He is institute professor of linguistics and
> philosophy at the Massachusetts
> Institute of Technology in Cambridge, across the
> Charles river from Boston.
> His once wiry frame now appears fuller (though he
> remains a keen swimmer),
> and his soft, gravelly voice belies his reputation
> for fierce rows.
> Seriousness gives way to radiant anticipation of a
> weekend visit from his
> daughter Diane, who works for development agencies
> with her Nicaraguan
> husband in Managua, and and their two children, Ema
> and Inti. (Chomsky and
> his wife Carol have another daughter, Avi, who
> teaches Latin American
> history, and a son, Harry, a softwear engineer in
> California.)
> 
> Chomsky has described himself as a "fanatic" in
> terms of workload and a
> "neurotic letter writer". According to Morris Halle,
> a colleague and friend
> for more than 40 years, "when you send him five
> pages of criticism, he sends
> 10 pages back, whoever you are. It's not ego, it's
> the substance of the
> criticism that's the issue." Two assistants help
> cope with the 200-odd
> emails he receives each day. While many friends
> stress Chomsky's work ethic,
> phenomenal memory, ironic sense of humour and
> self-effacement, Halle says he
> is "not much for small talk; everything he does he
> takes seriously - with
> real commitment".
> 
> Chomsky was born in 1928 in Philadelphia,
> Pennsylvania, the eldest of two
> boys. His father William, a Hebrew scholar, had fled
> Russia in 1913 to avoid
> being drafted into the Tsarist army. His mother
> Elsie, who came as an infant
> from Lithuania, also taught in Hebrew school. "My
> immediate family was kind
> of a Jewish ghetto in Philadelphia," says Chomsky.
> "My father's family was
> extremely orthodox, from an east European shtetl."
> His mother's relatives,
> who included communists, were "unemployed and
> involved in a rich, vibrant
> intellectual life - ranging from music and art to
> political activity. Most
> had little formal education, but it was a lively
> working-class culture that
> happened to be Jewish." One uncle in New York, "a
> hunchback with a
> background in crime", ran a newsstand on the corner
> of 72nd Street and
> Broadway.
> 
> Chomsky was a child of the Great Depression of
> 1929-39. "By the standards of
> those days we were well off; both my parents had
> jobs." Among his earliest
> memories were "seeing people coming to the door
> selling rags; and in a
> trolley car with my mother, I saw people beating up
> women strikers outside a
> textile factory". He came early to political
> consciousness. "I always felt
> isolated in my picture of the world. This was the
> late 30s; a time of
> political activism, debate, and great fear of Hitler
> conquering Europe. I
> saw the world as a complicated, frightening place."
> 
> Survival was tough for "the only Jewish family in a
> lower-middle-class
> neighbourhood that was mostly Irish and German
> Catholic, and rabidly
> anti-Semitic. The local kids went to Jesuit school,
> and I grew up with a
> visceral fear of Catholics. There were pro-Nazi beer
> parties at the fall of
> Paris. Then in December 1941 [after the Japanese
> attacked the US fleet at
> Pearl Harbor] the neighbourhood shifted 180 degrees.
> The same people who
> were cheering for the Nazis would open their doors
> wearing tin hats to say,
> 'pull down the blinds'. It was an educational
> experience." He adds: "Neither
> my brother nor I talked to my parents about this.
> They were in the Jewish
> ghetto and we were partly out in the streets. But it
> wasn't the kind of
> thing you talked about."
> 
> On the origins of his acute sense of moral
> responsibility, Chomsky is
> tentative: "I was very moved as a young child by
> oppression, destruction,
> the intense fear of what was going on in Europe. I'd
> hear Hitler's speeches
> on the radio and see the reactions of my mother. By
> the time I was nine or
> 10 I was reading newspapers, and it went on from
> there. It seems obvious:
> you're responsible for your own actions, and their
> anticipated
> consequences." He was 16 when the US dropped the
> atomic bomb on Hiroshima.
> "I was in a Hebrew-speaking summer camp when news
> came. I found it shocking,
> and equally shocking to me was that nobody seemed to
> care. There was nobody
> to talk to because no-one saw it as an atrocity."
> While his progressive
> primary school had put a "premium on individual
> creativity", he found his
> high school - where he excelled - dullingly
> competitive.
> 
> Chomsky sees the debate among immigrants as his
> political education. A
> lifelong anarchist or "libertarian socialist" - not
> a doctrine but a
> "tendency in human thought" - he believes "violence,
> deceit and lawlessness
> are natural functions of the state". At 10 he wrote
> an editorial for his
> school newspaper on the fall of Barcelona in the
> Spanish civil war, a
> "lament about the rise of fascism". "I was always on
> the side of the
> losers," he said. He recalls: "I spent my free time
> from age 13 picking up
> anarchist books in stores. I was quickly attracted
> to left anarchist
> critiques of the Bolsheviks, and [became] interested
> in the Spanish
> anarchist revolution which was crushed by
> communists."
> 
> He was active in a "fringe of Zionism" - "always
> opposed to a Jewish state,
> and in favour of a bi-nationalist outcome in
> Palestine based on Arab-Jewish
> co-operation, which wasn't so unrealistic at the
> time as it seems today". In
> 1953 he spent six weeks on an Israeli kibbutz with
> his wife, Carol Schatz
> (now a linguist), whom he had known at Hebrew school
> and married in 1949.
> "We seriously thought of moving there; I liked the
> life. The nice thing
> about physical labour is you have a finite task -
> when it's done, it's done.
> No one's going to second-guess you." But there were
> flaws in what Chomsky
> saw as an anarchist experiment. "The way the Arabs,
> and even Oriental Jews,
> were treated was very ugly. The thing that disturbed
> me most was the
> ideological uniformity; it was deeply Stalinist -
> left and Buberite - which
> I found impossible to take."
> 
> Drawn into linguistics at the University of
> Pennsylvania, where he worked
> under the libertarian Zellig Harris (and paid his
> way as a Hebrew
> schoolteacher), Chomsky became a junior fellow at
> Harvard. He moved down the
> road to MIT in 1955. "Jews were barely tolerated in
> Harvard; they weren't
> part of the cultural life. One reason MIT became so
> great was that Jewish
> intellectuals couldn't get jobs elsewhere." He felt
> an outsider in other
> ways. "I had no professional credentials. I got my
> position here in a
> research laboratory on electronics, of which I know
> nothing. But it happened
> to be the centre of innovative research and had no
> vested interests in the
> humanities. They were willing to experiment."
> 
> His Syntactic Structures, published in 1957 when he
> was 29, revolutionised
> the study of language as part of psychology and
> biology. >From his belief
> that, despite the Babel of tongues, humans share an
> innate language faculty,
> or "organ", grew his theory of an underlying
> Universal Grammar. New
> disciplines, from psycholinguistics to how children
> learn language, sprang
> from his ideas. According to Jean Aitchison,
> professor of language and
> communication at Oxford: "In less than 120 pages, he
> turned linguistics from
> an obscure discipline, studied by missionaries, into
> a major social science.
> He shifted the question from the corpus of actual
> utterance to the mental
> system that produces it."
> 
> 
> Heir to Enlightenment ideas of language as a "mirror
> of the mind", Chomsky
> shares the Cartesian view that language is the human
> inheritance that most
> distinguishes man from animal or machine. (A
> chimpanzee whom researchers in
> the 1970s tried unsuccessfully to teach sign
> language was roguishly named
> Nim Chimpsky.) His work is still disparaged in some
> quarters as unscientific
> "MIT mentalism". Yet according to Steven Pinker,
> professor of psychology at
> MIT and author of The Language Instinct, Chomsky's
> "theory of generative
> grammar is the most common single approach to
> linguistics even today. It's a
> minority view, but everyone sets their sights on it:
> it's the theory to
> beat."
> 
> Chomsky's scathing 1959 review of BF Skinner, for
> whom language was merely
> learnt behaviour, bucked the empiricist tenet of the
> blank slate - that
> there is nothing in the mind that was not first in
> the senses. "He gave the
> first, fatal shot to the school of behaviourism, and
> made theories of innate
> mental structure respectable after centuries of
> their being unthinkable,"
> says Pinker, who hints at one link between theories
> of language and
> politics: "Skinner said behaviour should be
> controlled; he wanted to turn
> society into a Skinner box - rewarding and punishing
> humans like the rats
> and pigeons in his experiments, a vision Chomsky
> described as like a
> "well-run concentration camp".
> 
> Chomsky has tended to shy away from explicitly
> linking his linguistic and
> political theories. Others, though, link his
> insistence on universality -
> that everybody speaks "human" - and the creativity
> evidenced by language to
> his anarchist vision of free association. Political
> systems often rest on a
> view of human nature, and in his 1970 essay Language
> And Freedom, Chomsky
> wrote of language as a "springboard" for
> investigating that nature.
> "Linkages were drawn in the 17th and 18th centuries
> between language as a
> fundamental, creative component of intelligence, and
> an instinct for freedom
> that could be the basis of how humans organise their
> lives," he says. "I
> think there is something to it, though there's
> certainly no logical
> connection.
> 
> "But it's an interesting question as to why
> behaviourism had the appeal and
> prestige it did when it's so barren and shallow.
> Within the Marxist left -
> not including Marx - there's a strong tendency to
> insist there is no human
> nature; that people are just constructed by their
> historical circumstances
> and environment. This makes no sense, but these
> ideas are very convenient
> for those who aspire to managerial politics; they
> remove moral barriers to
> manipulation and coercion.
> 
> "If people have no fundamental human nature based on
> some instinct for
> freedom that can challenge and overthrow aggression
> and hierarchy, then
> there really are no moral values; if people are
> ignorant, malleable
> creatures who can be modified by experience and
> training, they can be
> controlled for their own good. That's an appealing
> idea to intellectuals
> across the political spectrum. Leninism is one
> expression of it, and social
> democracy is another."
> 
> By 1961, Chomsky was a full professor at MIT, happy
> in his research, and
> with a young family. In 1964, supporting students
> against the draft, he
> began openly resisting the Vietnam war ("it would
> have been hopelessly
> immoral not to"). He rues it was "already much too
> late; after the US
> invaded South Vietnam, what we call ethnic cleansing
> when others are doing
> it was going on from the early 60s. That was the
> time to get seriously
> involved." He knew there was no going back. "It was
> a tremendous burden for
> my wife. She went back to college and got a degree
> partly because it looked
> as though I might go to jail."
> 
> For years, he recalls, "it was almost impossible to
> act publicly against the
> war. In Boston, a liberal city which likes to call
> itself the Athens of
> America, I spoke at the first major public meeting,
> in October 1965. We were
> attacked by hordes of people, and were only saved by
> the state police: they
> didn't like what we were saying but didn't want
> people murdered on Boston
> Common." He became a tax resister in 1966 and was
> arrested at the 1967
> Pentagon protest. Norman Mailer, who was jailed with
> him, recalled a "slim,
> sharp- featured man with an ascetic expression and
> an air of gentle but
> absolute moral authority" - who seemed "uneasy at
> the thought of missing
> class on Monday".
> 
> In his 1966 essay The Responsibility Of
> Intellectuals, Chomsky described
> their duty as being "to speak the truth and to
> expose lies". His first
> collection of political writings, American Power and
> the New Mandarins, was
> published in 1969. While intellectuals and
> "commissars" lie in the service
> of power, he suggests, it requires no expertise
> other than "Cartesian common
> sense" to understand politics or foreign affairs.
> Some critics have objected
> to an opposition between indoctrinated "elites" and
> "the people". He
> responds: "In any inegalitarian society, there's a
> natural tendency for
> those who share wealth and power to try to maintain
> it. Some systems do it
> by force; others by gaining the consent of the
> population, or at least their
> passivity."
> 
> In Manufacturing Consent, co-authored with Edward
> Herman, Chomsky proposed a
> model of the mass media that moulds this consent
> with bias and omission.
> "Propaganda is to democracy what violence is to
> totalitarianism," they
> wrote. While some see the "propaganda model" as
> reducing everyone to dupes
> or liars, others have dismissed it as conspiracy
> theory. "It's exactly the
> opposite - it's free-market theory," says Chomsky.
> "The media are major
> corporations. They sell a product (readers or
> viewers) to a market
> (advertisers). If a Martian were looking at this
> system, what would he
> expect? That the media product would be shaped by
> the perspectives and
> interests of the sellers and buyers and the external
> conditions (the state).
> You'd expect no interaction at all. It's no more a
> conspiracy than that
> General Motors tries to make a profit."
> 
> The internet is a means of evading media
> limitations, he believes, citing
> protests, such as those in Seattle, which were
> heavily reliant on net
> organisation. But he sees a struggle being waged,
> since net development was
> handed to private corporations in the mid-90s,
> between its use as an
> "information superhighway"and as a channel for
> "ecommerce". He says: "As
> long as it was in the public sector it was free and
> open but limited; few
> people had access. Now access is wider, but the
> freedom is under attack."
> 
> In Deterring Democracy, and other books on
> international affairs, Chomsky
> has copiously documented how Washington thwarts
> democratic experiments
> across the globe. Though his focus is increasingly
> on economic and trade
> issues, he continues to hold the US to account as a
> "rogue superpower" which
> distinguishes between "worthy" and "unworthy"
> victims of atrocity depending
> on whether they take place in a client state or in
> an "official enemy". He
> claims that if the Nuremberg laws had been applied
> then every post-war
> American president would have been hanged.
> 
> He was accused of playing down Khmer Rouge
> atrocities in Cambodia, but
> maintains he was merely telling the truth about the
> number of deaths. "We
> also pointed out that casualties of American bombing
> had been greatly
> exaggerated, but no one criticised us for correcting
> that."
> 
> Nor does he expect change under Bush's secretary of
> state Colin Powell: "If
> you take Republicans at their words, they'll
> probably be willing to use
> force only in more limited ways under the 'Powell
> doctrine' that says don't
> intervene except with massive and overwhelming
> force. That's only a nuance
> of difference with the Democrats." But he deems the
> new administration "much
> more dangerous" in its commitment to the national
> missile defence programme.
> "It'll be interpreted as a first-strike weapon
> system by any potential
> adversary. It's absolutely insane."
> 
> Fred Halliday, professor of international relations
> at the LSE, believes
> Chomsky, a luminary of a "new anti-imperialism",
> overestimates US power and
> underestimates a public shift in attitudes and
> debates on human rights in
> the past 10 years. "He's become the guru of the new
> anti-capitalist and
> Third World movements. They take his views very
> uncritically; it's part of
> the Seattle mood - whatever America does is wrong.
> He confronts orthodoxy
> but he's becoming a big simplifier. What he can't
> see is Third World and
> other regimes that are oppressive and not controlled
> by America."
> 
> Pinker believes a tendency to treat Chomsky as a
> "guru and pontiff or a
> great satan" is encouraged by his own style, "which
> portrays people who
> disagree with him as stupid or evil, using withering
> scorn in his rhetoric.
> It's great sport if you identify with him, but it
> leads to equally extreme
> responses on the opposite side." For Neil Smith,
> however, Chomsky "can be a
> ruthless debater in arguing for what he believes is
> the truth. He thinks
> faster than other people and tends to win arguments.
> But he's divisive only
> because he puts forward novel positions that
> undermine others."
> 
> Chomsky drew flak in the early 80s for his stand for
> free speech in the case
> of Robert Faurisson, the French professor convicted
> in court of falsifying
> history for denying the existence of Nazi gas
> chambers. Chomsky says: "The
> principle that the state should determine historical
> truth and punish those
> who say otherwise is a legacy of totalitarianism. In
> this case what the
> state determines to be true happens to be true, but
> that's irrelevant. It
> doesn't show great sympathy for the memory of
> victims of the holocaust to
> adopt the doctrines of their murderers." He also
> opposed the ITN libel case
> last year against LM magazine, which had alleged
> images of Trnopolje camp in
> Bosnia had been falsified - as a big media
> corporation muscling in against
> free speech.
> 
> For the Oxford historian Stephen Howe, Chomsky has
> "the faults as well as
> the virtues of the great moral crusader. Sometimes
> his attacks can seem
> excessive and indiscriminate." Phil Edwards, former
> culture editor of Red
> Pepper magazine, believes "it's difficult to
> criticise Chomsky on the left -
> which is odd, given his own denunciation of
> conformity".
> 
> Chomsky himself discourages uncritical adherence to
> anyone's views, whether
> by Marxists or Freudians. He disavows the "Talmudic
> certainty" one
> commentator once attributed to him. "It's a bad
> choice of words; the Talmud
> is anything but certain - it's full of debate and
> argument. But if it's
> true, it's a fault."
> 
> On whether he is slowing down, he says: "I have to
> retire, but I don't think
> anything will change. My professional work is
> intense and exciting, and
> political commitments grow. Something has to go if
> you try to live two
> intense lives - like relaxation. If my wife and I
> get to see one movie in a
> year, we consider it a triumph." But on Cape Cod
> they have a summer cottage
> and a sailing boat. "It's the only way I can survive
> the rest of the year."
> 
> For Pilger, who says Chomsky almost single-handedly
> exposed Indonesian
> atrocities in East Timor, he is a "genuine people's
> hero; an inspiration for
> struggles all over the world for that basic decency
> known as freedom. To a
> lot of people in the margins - activists and
> movements - he's unfailingly
> supportive." While some sense cynicism ("a realistic
> account of the way the
> world works will sound cynical"), Chomsky favours
> Gramsci's "pessimism of
> the intellect, optimism of the will". In his own
> unique role as a moral
> conscience, insisting that the privileges of the
> "free world" should not
> rest on corpses elsewhere, some see a theological
> thrust; that he carries a
> higher moral torch for the world's most powerful
> country.
> 
> "There's truth in that," he says. "I'm a citizen of
> the United States and I
> have a share of responsibility for what it does. I'd
> like to see it act in
> ways that meet decent moral standards. It's back to
> moral truisms: it's of
> little moral value to criticise the crimes of
> someone else - though you
> should do it, and tell the truth. I have no
> influence over the policies of
> Sudan but a certain degree over the policies of the
> US. It's not a matter of
> expectation but of aspiration."
> 
> Life at a glance: Avram Noam Chomsky
> 
> Born: December 7 1928, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania..
> 
> Education: Oak Lane Country Day School; Central High
> School, Phila-
> delphia;University of Pennsylvania.
> 
> Married: 1949 Carol Schatz (two daughters Avi,
> Diane; one son, Harry).
> 
> Career: 1951-55 Junior fellow, Harvard University;
> 1955- Massachusetts
> Institute of Technology, 1961 professor, 1976-
> institute professor,
> linguistics and philosophy.
> 
> Some books: Syntactic Structures ('57), American
> Power And The New Mandarins
> (69) Language And Responsibility (79), The Chomsky
> Reader (87),
> Manufacturing Consent (88), Necessary Illusions
> (89), Deterring Democracy
> (92), Year 501 (93), World Orders, Old And New (97),
> Fateful Triangle
> (updated 99), The New Military Humanism (99), Rogue
> States (00), New
> Horizons In The Study Of Language and Mind (00), A
> New Generation Draws The
> Line (01).
> 
> . A New Generation Draws The Line is published by
> Verso on February 20 at
> £15. New Horizons In The Study Of Language And Mind
> is published by
> Cambridge University Press at £12.95
> 
> 
>
_________________________________________________________________
> ---
> You are currently subscribed to surge as:
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> To unsubscribe send a blank email to
> leave-surge-186687Y-AT-listserv.unc.edu 
> 


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