From: "Good Soldier Svejk" <goodsoldiersvejk-AT-hotmail.com> Subject: AUT: Attitudes to Islam Date: Wed, 10 Oct 2001 13:36:06 +0100 For your consideration, three items on critical/popular attitudes to Islam, that I found during the course of a row with a secularist. This is more or less the extent of my knowledge, so will refrain from drawing any conclusions. I've heard that during the Iranian Revolution, the workers of Abadan were the most advanced in their opposition to Islam / fundamentalism; any leads would be gratefully received. John (1) From Bayat, "Workers and Revolution in Iran", Zed 1987, pp.48-9: "By being religious we mean having a belief in a meta-physical force which is assumed to determine the relations between men on the earth. Given this conception, we would not regard Teheran industrial workers as religious per se; rather, we would suggest that for them religion is a cultural form whose content changes with historical situations. This should not be taken to imply that they are aetheist or faithless, but their religion is determined by the relations between men, not the other way around. The reaction of the workers in the Azmayesh factory to Khomeini's famous statement that 'we have not made revolution for cheap melons, we have made it for Islam' was "They say we have not made revolution for economic betterment! What have we made it for, then? They say, for Islam! What does Islam mean then? We made it for the betterment of the conditions of our lives." In an historical situation when a secular modern political language has not yet become popular, the language, the terms and the symbols of the predominantly popular culture, religion, have become political. Political behaviour is clothed in religious language and slogans and even in sermons. Religion (as popular culture) is no longer simply an instrument of class domination, but rather a subject of class struggle. <snip comparison with Methodism, Jacobinism & liberation theology> The Teheran Workers have not yet developed a labour religion or a coherent radical religion. At the same time, they lack secular traditions to express their immediate aspirations (mass trade unions, workers' parties or socio-cultural associations). As a consequence, the working class has tended to change the content of established religion, and has had to borrow certain elements of the dominant cultural forms which do not historically belong to it. This dialectic of change by means of 'traditions' is quite similar to the one by which E.P. Thompson described plebeian culture of 18th Century England: "The plebeian culture is rebellious, but rebellious in defence of culture." This incapacity of the workers to develop their *own* cultural expression points to their weakness. It is here - in this limbo of being religious and not being religious, in the struggle against dominating religion by religious language - that obscurities, ambiguities, mistakes and deceits can easily take root." (2), From Abdullah, "New Secularism in the Arab World": http://www.isisforum.com/skeptics/secularism.htm "No opinion polls concerning religious beliefs are usually allowed in Arab countries, to judge the real spread of secular ideas. An exception is "The survey of living conditions of the Palestinian society under Israeli occupation in Gaza, West Bank and Arab Jerusalem," which challenges some widely held notions about religious attitudes. It shows that the percentage of 'secular' men is 20%, going up to an unexpected 30% among women, and that it is on average higher than the percentage of Islamic 'activists' on the other end of the spectrum even in the Gaza refugee camps. Secular is defined in the study as someone who's life is not dictated by religion. The larger middle ground is being held by simply 'observant' moslems. Partial surveys by some university students elsewhere seem to confirm this distribution of the degree of belief." (3) The following report is the only one I've found that mentions religious targets in the Sabzevar riots in early September: http://www.wsws.org/articles/2001/sep2001/iran-s01.shtml "In another sign of political and social tension in Iran, a major riot erupted in the northeastern part of the country on Thursday. Crowds went on the rampage in Sabzevar, in Khorasan province, blocking roads, setting tires on fire and attacking public buildings, including the governor's office, a religious site and the site of Friday prayers. The protests followed the Iranian government's announcement a few days earlier that Khorasan was to be split up into three provinces and that the city of Mashhad and the towns of Birjand and Bojnurd would become provincial capitals. Residents of Sabzevar want the province divided in four so their town will also serve as a capital, in the hope that this status might attract funds and government projects to the poverty-stricken area that borders Afghanistan." --- from list aut-op-sy-AT-lists.village.virginia.edu ---
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