From: "Greg Schofield" <g_schofield-AT-dingoblue.net.au>
Subject: AUT: Historical as against ideological analysis
Date: Fri, 15 Mar 2002 12:19:53 +0800


After haviong some pointless debate in another thread I would like to draw attention to a simple and unedifying habit of the left.

Using ideological labels and arguing against the label.

Not good comrades, but all too common.

Many of on this list make free use of the label "leninist" as shorthand for a laftiosm which is felt to lead to authoritarian statist solutions which crush the human spirit. There is nothing wroing with this as far as it goes, but how far does it go? 

It may be prefectly legitimate and useful to use this to classify a whole set of ideas, a number of related faults in theory and particular political stances. I have no problem with this at all. On the otherhand it can be used as an empty label, where all things that are disliked, or associated with what is disliked can be conveniently dumped - I have real problems with this.

Arguing against labels follows this latter pattern, in a sense it is a number of associations which are being argued against, some no doubt are closely historically linked, but may not actual be closely related (in terms of cause and effect), likeswise the label can be so generalisied that it is not specific at all - the "Leninist" against which so much is being argued becomes a fiction, something so bodey-man-like it can fit anyone and no-one.

My impression is a little of the latter is happening and that it is a common trap of reducing important questions to all become ideological ones. Against this I would place a historical analysis, looking at all the same things (statists, command economies, oppression, repression, failure, horror and all the rest) but seeking answers at a different level of analysis.

Elsewhere in this list I attempted to specifiy this as a general tendency within the 20th century for the petit bourgeoisie to abandon pribvate property and become managers and bureracrats. I would point out that at various points this has been a radical movement (not necessarily a good one) and could explain striking similarities to aspects of fascism (for instance), Sovietism and modern corporations.

In otherwords, the apparent richness of ideological differences is underpinned by a significant historical shift in class forces. To this degree that some "leninists", "anarchist", "libitarian", "stalinist", "Maoist", "Trotskist", etc etc etc ad infinitum, tendencies and ideological manifestations reflect this radical petit bourgeois. Hence "post-modernism" etcs may also find their place alongside "national socialism" and much else beside.

>From this standpoint while agreat deal of hay can be made of ideological positions, the truth may be that such ideologies refelect many different things besides radical middle class aspirations. That is that much might not be resolvable at the ideological level at all.

If we were to shift focus based on such a perspective, much that we take that separates us at ther moment may well dissolve itself into merely differing traditions of thought and perhaps not much more. On the otherhand, others who appear to be our co-thinkers and allies may well in class terms be no such thing. I am not suggesting a witch-hunt but rather the need for re-alignment and a lot of good will and honest sorting-out of differences.

I will however, go another step with reference to another thread. The class alliegances might not all be that difficult to determine, after all at such a time of near completre dissarray of the left, only two logical positions seem pereceptable. Those who whish to mainatain the often false distinctions which are symprtoms of the left's decline have an interest in that decline and by extension an interest in maintaining the social condition where by the middle class under prevailing forces gains mor and more of a bureacratic foothold within society (not withstanding their avowed disapproaval). Against this, as again reflecting the class forces as they are now are all those who want to move past the impasse, destroy sectarianism, and explore the areas of porudctive unity despite the dead hand of traditional alliegances.

Of this second impulse the working class, largely defeated, has a definite interest in a political regroupment, not despite the classes disinterest in the left but rather because this disinterest is the heart of the problem.

Sometimes in history the way the cards fall, the class position of people is as clear as glass. The test is simple and straightforward, the objectives pregiven and obvious.

I ask comrades to give serious thought to the issues raised here, the idea is not difficult, the proof easily rendered from personal experience. Even a small list such as this, which is blessed with diversity just as much as it is cursed by it, provides grounds for begining the shift of emphaisis towards something more productive.

However, such a shift must begin with self-criticism, we must individually and collectively become conscious of those assumptions and practices which contribute to the problem (no one escapes this) and then become determined to rectify them.

This list would be a fine place to begin because unlike most others which have settled into like minded comforts, this list is very diverse (partly reflecting that it is relatively new) and the lack of common assumptions may well be a great asset if we collectively address the problem in a serious manner.

Yours hopefully,
Greg Schofield
Perth Australia
g_schofield-AT-dingoblue.net.au
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