File spoon-archives/aut-op-sy.archive/aut-op-sy_2004/aut-op-sy.0408, message 142


Date: Sun, 22 Aug 2004 21:50:47 -0700 (PDT)
From: Thomas Seay <entheogens-AT-yahoo.com>
Subject: Re: AUT: Negri and masks


I have a hard time believing that Negri said some of
those things in the interview....even out of context.
That Negri would say that the Soviet Union was "too
succesful" seems beyond the pale.

Thomas
--- michael goddard <goddardmichael-AT-hotmail.com>
wrote:

> It seems strange that Negri is being simultaneouly
> presented as both a 
> fervent Catholic and a sniper in a ski mask. I found
> that jounalistic piece 
> not only disgusting but dangerous: to blur the
> boundaries between 
> alqueda-brigate rossi-potere Operaio is just a kind
> of delirium but one that 
> can have real effects as in the case of CAE. It
> amazes me that that ski mask 
> quotation even exists but what is really
> unexceptional and predictable was 
> this journalistic attempt to subscribe entirely to
> war on terror rhetoric 
> and even take it into new domains "Negri-
> terrorist/Stalinist precursor to 
> Bin Laden."
> 
> This kind of stupidity is endemic but also in this
> era dangerous: thank God 
> for the left/liberal press and its cheerful
> participation in Bush's war on 
> terror!
> 
> Michael
> 
> 
> >From: ".: s0metim3s :." <s0metim3s-AT-optusnet.com.au>
> >Reply-To: aut-op-sy-AT-lists.village.Virginia.EDU
> >To: <aut-op-sy-AT-lists.village.Virginia.EDU>
> >Subject: AUT: RE: The "Multitude" and Rights
> >Date: Sat, 21 Aug 2004 15:23:07 +1000
> >
> >Lowe, Harald, all,
> >
> >You know, it's not so much that I've been confused
> >about what N&H are arguing for, so much as I'd
> >rather they weren't and waiting for someone to
> >actually convince me that perhaps they weren't.
> >So, maybe I should be more clear about what I see
> >as the stakes here.
> >
> >I don't know where N&H talk about the end in the
> >most recent cycle of struggles; but it seems
> >obvious to me and not surprising for anyone to
> >argue that the cycle has passed.  The question,
> >however, is what this actually means and how one
> >responds to it.  I've always thought it meant the
> >passing of the most visible peaks of resistance --
> >and, here, I'm firmly with Bologna rather than
> >N&H. (N&H have never, imo, grasped this
> >consistently -- a critique of the forms of
> >representation of fordism isn't the same thing as
> >a critique of representation, of the relationship
> >between, as Bologna puts it the elites and the
> >movement, or as I'd put it,
> >activists-intellectuals and movements.)
> >
> >In other words: it's not that resistance has ended
> >per se, but that, in the failure of those
> >struggles to actually challenge either emerging
> >forms of exploitation (which include, among other
> >things, the ways in which particular forms of
> >immaterial labour make 'us' into the managers of
> >'our own' exploitation -- yes immanence but what
> >kind?) or the forms of representation and
> >mediation that flow from this, what we are
> >confronted with now is a combination of
> >restoration and innovation.  The Leftisation of
> >the 'new social subjects' began the day after
> >Seattle, to put it bluntly, and can be seen in the
> >articulation of demands for recognition.
> >
> >I think, far from actually generating any kind of
> >antagonism to Empire, N&H argue for 'our'
> >habituation to it.  What they argue for is an
> >innovation in the forms of representation of
> >abstract labour: global citizenship, income for
> >all, etc. Ie: the forms of representation
> >appropriate to immaterial labour, the multitude,
> >etc.
> >
> >I think their motif of 'exclusion - inclusion' is
> >all wrong. (Marx, Foucault, Agamben manage not to
> >adopt a liberal critique of capitalism for its
> >'exclusions' -- so, why do N&H?)
> >
> >Marxism has often oscillated between wierd
> >versions of either a reactionary critique of
> >capitalism (in its more communitarian, identity
> >forms) and a cheering on of its progressive,
> >destructive aspects (the RCP, wierdo maoist cults,
> >Stalin, Lenin). (And both assume the perspective
> >and fantasy of control, imo.)  In doing a version
> >of the latter -- albeit creatively wrapped up in a
> >Spinozian gloss about immanence and absolute
> >democracy, and urged on by the usual leftoid panic
> >merchandising about 'barbarism or Empire' -- N&H
> >reverse the insights of an analysis of class
> >composition which place movement before its
> >instituted or visible expression.
> >
> >Global juridical structures are already emerging
> >because of the inadequacy of the nation-state to,
> >among other things, controlling population
> >movements. No one needs N&H to argue for this for
> >it to happen. It is happening. Ie: I don't think
> >it would be wrong to argue that there is a
> >tendency toward a global state (um, global
> >citizenship).  But in cheering it on, in taking
> >capital to task for not validating Empire as it
> >were, puts them 'on the other side.'
> >
> >Angela
> >_______________
> >
> ><end message>
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >      --- from list
> aut-op-sy-AT-lists.village.virginia.edu ---
> 
>
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>      --- from list
> aut-op-sy-AT-lists.village.virginia.edu ---
> 


====The real world gives the subset of what is; the product space represents the uncertainty of the observer.  The product space may therefore change if the observer changes; and two observers may legitimately use different product spaces within which to record the same subset of actual events in some actual thing. The "constraint" is thus a relation between observer and thing; the properties of any particular constraint will depend on both the real thing and on the observer.  It follows that a substantial part of the theory of organization will be concerned with properties that are not intrinsice to the thing but are relational between observer and thing.

W. Ross Ashby


		
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