Date: Sat, 16 Nov 2002 16:56:25 +0000 Subject: Re: absenting an absence was Re: BHA: JCR coup - an absence? Hi Guenter, >Just when it's getting interesting... :-) MERVYN. I turn finally then to the relation between critical realism and Marxism. This has recently been discussed, by Marxist critical realists or other Marxists, in a number of books and articles, and there are a range of widely differing views on the table. Informing them all, perhaps, is a nagging worry that critical realism might transcend Marxism, just as it has its own previous phases, or at any rate that it aspires to do this; or it might 'outflank', or dilute and undermine, or even 'revolutionize' it. Commonly cited issues, some of which we've discussed already, include your refusal to accept (or reject) metaphysical materialism; your prioritizing of absence over presence and espousal of creativity ex nihilo; your alleged turn to historical idealism; your discourse of the master and the slave rather than of the capitalist and the worker and your recent position that there's no uniquely privileged revolutionary agent; your allegedly un-Marxist eudaimonism and perfectibilism, which is seen as unhistorical, abstract and impractical; and of course the whole turn to spirituality and the philosophy of meta-reality. The dominant attitude to the last within Marxism can perhaps best be summed up in the following, penultimate remark by Sean Creaven in a recent article which draws up a 'balance sheet' on your book on dialectics: "Of course, whether Bhaskar is able to build on his 'materialist diffraction of dialectic' will depend on his ending his recent unfortunate flirtation with irrealist dialectics (idealism, godism, spiritualism, etc)." [Sean Creaven, 'The pulse of freedom? Bhaskar's *Dialectic* and Marxism', Historical Materialism vol. 10, no. 2, p. 137] "Of course" - without argument that I can detect; and notwithstanding that his remarks are published in a journal whose recent issues provide evidence that something of a spiritual turn is going on within the Marxist tradition itself, as elsewhere. How do you yourself now see the relation between critical realism and Marxism, and should Marxists be worried (and vice versa)? ROY. Let me preface my remarks by observing that Marx's underlying vision - of the society in which the free development of each is a precondition for the free development of all - is the same as - in fact is a very nice formulation of - a presupposition that was there in all emancipatory discourse but is very explicit in the notion of the Bodhisattva, in Mahayana Buddhism, that you can't have realization, or true freedom, unless everyone is free. I think that's a very, very inspiring vision. One of the nice things someone said to me in India about the philosophy of meta-reality was that in a way I'd merged Shankara with Marx - though actually I think I've done a bit more than that, because of my explicit emphasis on concrete singularity and dialectical universality, which in a way sometimes gets lost in the Buddhist and Vedic philosophies. So I think the vision is there. That's a spiritual vision in Marx - it presupposes an extraordinary human potentiality that has never been done justice to or paid anything more than lip service to in history, except in a few struggles - in a few moments in a few struggles - and I would argue is a necessary underpinning of ordinary life, whether revolutionary or non- revolutionary. Which takes me to the second point which is truly valid within Marxism. Marx's *Capital* Volume I provides, I think, the defining analysis of the extraction of surplus value, and that's the fundamental mechanism of contemporary societies. Even though we're now in monetarized form, even though we have a multiplicity of other structures, I can't see anything wrong with Marx's analysis of capitalism and the extraction of surplus value. What the philosophy of meta-reality says is that, underpinning the level of extraction of surplus value, is a level of free creativity, free unconditional love - or love, spontaneity, ingenuity - for which nothing is given. This is presupposed by capitalists and masters everywhere, though not articulated in their discourse, and is continuous with domestic labour, where it's a well-known lacunae within some strands of Marxism. What's really interesting is that Marxists tend to think of labour as being the moving element. But there's also labour- power. We associate labour as the concrete thing, as that which produces use values. We think of labour-power as an abstract homogenous uniform entity and as having purely an exchange value, but this whole emphasis on meta-reality says: hang on a moment, labour-power is OK for a certain level of analysis, but behind that are all the potentialities and powers of human beings as they evolved in history, and that's the essence of the development of the human race. And so this is entirely consistent with Marx. Thirdly, Marx was also right to emphasize, in *Theses on Feuerbach*, that there's no way you can have a perfect society unless you educate yourself. Who is to educate the educators? The idea of a perfect society or perfect structural preconditions, and imperfect human beings, is impossible, so actually perfection has got to start here. There's no way in which I can change a social form except in virtue of my action, and if I feel my praxis is wrong, the only way I can do it is by reflecting on my practice in relation to that praxis. And if that's OK, there's nothing more I can do about it. If I want to change it, I have to in some way change my mode of insertion into that praxis, which means transforming my own practice. And that was explicit in one of the very early formulations of the transformational model of social activity as highlighting 'transformed transformative praxis'. Immediately we transform our own practice we transform all the dimensions of social being. So all that too is entirely consistent with the true understanding of classical Marxism. Turning directly to the question of the master-slave relationship. The categories of capitalist and worker are designated by the category of the real, the non-actual real; they're transfactual and structural, and can't be read one-to-one into actual or empirical reality. Indeed, for any one chunk of actuality in general, you can never be dogmatic about what you're dealing with: people embody aspects of many different polarities. Take the capitalist-labour polarity: a person embodies aspects of both, or aspects which are defined by neither, though she does play a role in relation to the reproduction of the mode of production. Take a transport worker: a lorry driver is clearly a worker, but is not officially there within Marxism. Even the capitalist pushes pens, pays himself a salary and whatever, and the worker is going to own something and have an interest at some level in capital. And once you understand that there are other structures at work too, then the complexities become far too immense to identify a single body of human beings as the emancipators of all others. Of course, at any one moment of time there may be a group of people of overriding strategic importance, for example, the miners in 1984. Thatcher's action against the miners was an action designed to take out the working class, they were strategically significant; and everyone opposed to the totality of structures had a sort of ethical duty to solidarize with the miners. So I'm not arguing there are not strategic conflicts. Structurally we are all masters and we are all slaves. What we need to do is get rid of the master-slave relations which in part constitute us socially and in part we continually reconstitute socially. It becomes very complex if you take the case of, say, the relation between the colonizer and the colonized. Because typically the colonized will imbibe the colonial mentality and seek to colonize somewhere else. Within ourselves we colonize or oppress parts of ourselves. We're our own worst oppressors. I can't see that in general you can argue that there's any other unit we can emancipate (better, which can emancipate itself) other than the whole human race, I really can't. It's a peculiar paradox, because I'd be more orthodox than the orthodox in relation to the analysis of the fundamental structures of capitalism, but I'm completely unorthodox when it comes to concepts of class consciousness. Not because I don't think concepts of class consciousness are important. But isolating a specific category of people who are going to lead us all - that won't happen, that's substitutionism, it hasn't happened. So that's not because I don't respect the working class; it's because - where is the working class? The working class is in all of us, and in a society like Britain, the traditional industrial working class scarcely exists. MERVYN. So when you say we're all masters and slaves -- ROY. We, as empirical human beings, all embody aspects of master and aspects of slave. MERVYN. Some more so than others, obviously. ROY. Definitely, but we have to look also at the more subtle aspects. I was once involved in a student organization which wanted to take revolutionary Marxism to the workers. Sometimes we were trying to leaflet a worker and you got it shoved back in your face - was that a right or unright response? Had we really worked out what we were doing in our leafleting? It didn't make sense, there was a lot of non- communication. There's a lot of non-communication historically between Marxism and the working class. And Marxism was supposed to be the vehicle of working class ideology. Now, if one's talking strategically, I don't see 'some more so than others'. What are we really saying? That we don't want to get rid of all oppression? Certainly, from the point of view of me, some people are more in need than others, and from the point of view of strategic action, some people are better placed than others to do something about it. But you can't say a priori who is most needy, and you can't measure in a crude quantitative way the degree of 'working classness' of a particular human being. If you could, it wouldn't mean very much unless you could have comparable measures for all the other master-slave relationships. So the master-slave relationship is a very simple category which takes account of any relationship of oppression, including those relationships in which we oppress ourselves. MERVYN. Do you intend it to supplant 'class'? ROY. Not at all. The concept of class has many uses. A simple structural use following on from the analysis of capitalism is absolutely fine, but what does it mean for action? What determines a political activity of the agent will not only be just their class location, it will be all these other determinants, how much of the TV they've been swallowing. You may remember in *Dialectic* I give examples of the multiplicity of master-slave relations which bear on any concrete agent. So where does that person stand in relation to sexism? It can be very important; if it's a male worker and he's chauvinist, probably he won't solidarize - or won't find it very easy to solidarize in a maximally efficacious way - with women workers who may be key in a struggle. Or he won't see the need to abolish sexism within his own union. You can have a lovely structural conception of class, but it won't specify anything in particular except a tendency within an agent. Or you can define it more intuitively, more concretely, in terms of the consciousness of a particular group of agents. You might say they have high class consciousness if they're committed to the goals of Marxism; but it's slightly circular because the goals of Marxism are the goals of the emancipation of the human race. To take up the issue of idealism and materialism. In my entry on materialism, in *A Dictionary of Marxist Thought*, I defined quite nicely I think three forms of philosophical materialism: epistemological, ontological and social (practical) materialism. Basically, if you follow this definition, epistemological materialism just means transcendental realism; ontological materialism specifies the emergence of humanity out of nature; and practical materialism is basically the transformational model of social activity. Now in those three senses Marx is, and should be, committed to materialism. But there are other senses of materialism with which those three are conflated and which have to be repudiated. First, there is vulgar reductionist materialism, which is inconsistent with ontological materialism because it denies the autonomy and specificity of human beings and the products with which human beings are associated and implicated. MERVYN. But this wasn't subscribed to by the classical Marxists. ROY. That's true, but then we have to know that one corollary of ontological materialism is that what is going to be distinctive about human beings and history is something which is going to be rooted in the biological peculiarities of human beings. Often we haven't thought through what is biologically emergent and distinguishes us from other animals. This is where, as Marx said, what distinguishes human beings from other kinds of animals is freedom from instinctual - which you can also call mechanical - determination, and their freedom to act in a planned, pre-meditated way; in short freedom to act intentionally - for an idea. So ideas and consciousness immediately define the distinctiveness of human beings. So when you're talking about human labour, you're talking about intentional labour: labour which is informed by ideas. That's very important when you come on to another form of materialism: technological materialism. Actually, I think there's a lot to be said for technological materialism (as a variety of historical materialism); our forms of technology, the way in which a society reproduces itself ultimately physically, the way we ultimately reproduce ourselves as bodies, as labour-power, does play an enormous role in the evolution of humankind. What is it, however, that distinguishes one form of technology from another? It's what level of ideation we've achieved or established as dominant. What distinguishes our contemporary era is the cybernetic revolution - information technology. One of the great failings of the Soviet Union was that it never came to terms with the chip, a weakness deriving ultimately from its failure to transfer power to the immediate producers who are spontaneously creative and would love to play around with computers. In the seventies and early sixties I saw it: the Soviets had a huge computer, and the Americans had a huge computer in a building bigger than a car park, and it could print out your name at the end; but the Soviets stopped there, the West carried on. Really, there's a lot to be said for the simple idea that we were initially distinguished from other animals by our capacity to discover fire and the wheel, and so on. Now one of the things about capitalism is that there is within itself a drive to produce new technologies, so what distinguishes that piece of equipment over there is the fact that it's an embodiment of 'computer technology' - all the ideas which must be associated with the practices. When Marx critiques the speculative illusion - when he critiques historical idealism - what he's thinking about is the idea isolated from human beings. When I'm talking about the role of ideas, I'm thinking of ideas as part of intentional practice. MERVYN. Do you still, as in *From East to West*, hold that there's a rising organic composition of ideas such that ideas potentially become more important as history unfolds? ROY. Ideas have never been more important than now; but the rate of turnover of ideas, and the changes in ideas, and the level of ideation - these are all things we have to be very critical of. My stress on the role of ideas is not to say, oh yes, our ideas are really brilliant now, because I think they're mostly crap. We've never been in our organized society more ideationally superficial. We're living in a world of sound bites. This is our level - our cultural level is appalling. Nonetheless, ideas are important in history and can play an even more important role. But there's no way you can assimilate my position and my critique of vulgar materialism, which is the denial of the autonomy of ideas as thought (as embodied) or unthought (as embodied in the practice of human beings), to idealism. There's no way you can call me a historical idealist in that sense, because ideas divorced from human beings and their practices don't exist. MERVYN. Well most Marxists would agree with your critique of vulgar materialism -- ROY. Vulgar materialism - when I'm talking about technological materialism, about technologies as forms of objectification in matter of human ideas. That is, the idea in practices. Both the artefacts and the human beings don't exist independently of practices. MERVYN. My point is that it's not just the idea that's embodied in the technology, it's the labour too, just as the emergence of human consciousness itself was bound up with that of a labour process and its products. ROY. Absolutely, the technology is the product of the labour. But what distinguishes one form of labour from another is, if you like, the intentionality and the system under which it operates. So you have to put the shoe on the other foot and ask: well, how is it then that Marxists could show such disregard, historically, for ideas, for education, for that form of education which is conscious self- transformation, which would take classically the form of class consciousness? How can Marxists make sense of Marxism except as a materially embodied bunch of ideas? Marxism is ideas, critical realism is ideas - take away the ideas and we're just left with words or material things which are inert. And so actually the moving element in history - if you like the key element in terms of development of technology - is the ideas embodied in the material practices of, ultimately, the production and reproduction of labour-power. That's fine. This connects up with the theme of masters and slaves and the problem of agency. All working people are creative agents, which is what underlies capitalism and indeed all production. And then we'll see, insofar as we're all human beings, whether we're masters or slaves. We've got to get rid of that. This means changing our ideas, because intentionality is absolutely irreducible, consciousness is irreducible. Marxism is a theory which is a set of ideas which can inform the consciousness of human agents, that's why it's so important. It's also important to be reflexively conscious of it. But the most important thing that Marxism has done is to produce a body of revolutionary ideology, revolutionary thought, which can inform practice. MERVYN. Which is itself informed by the social context. ROY. Of course, but that practice is always practice done under an idea, so yes, of course, that's like an experiment in science. You have an idea, you go and test it. So in a way we learn from the history of failed revolutions, we learn from the Soviet experience - never again. When we, the ordinary people, have power, do we not educate and empower ourselves? Never again do we say, oh, we'll pass the buck to a group of leaders; or, nice to have a moustache over there, looks like he's pretty competent, we'll all go for a drink. We give that politics up. Experience was something that no one had really analysed in a philosophically significant way. What people meant in science when they talked about experience was controlled experimentation by skilled perceivers, but no one had analysed it. When we just naïvely invoke materialism, we have to unpack it, we have to say, what does it mean, what are we critiquing, and we will find things which can rightfully be said to be idealistic that need to be thrown out of the window. If we don't believe in the social structure - out; the social structure is out there, but also in here, and it loops through us. It feeds off our greed, our desires, and really our vanity, that we've all got to be somebody - we're part of it, we and it are inseparable. When we cease to be capitalist human beings, capitalism will go, but we will have to shut it off. MERVYN. Most Marxists seem to be ontological or metaphysical materialists in a more restrictive sense than is caught in your definition, 'the emergence of humanity out of nature'. Everything is seen as deriving from 'matter' in some ultimate sense. You say that you're neither accepting nor rejecting materialism in this sense, which you see as a somewhat under-analysed concept? ROY. I do think it needs to be articulated more. I think what you could say is that consciousness has the unique power to rearrange matter, matter in itself does not have a similar power or consciousness. From 'inert' matter evolved sentience and then consciousness. My argument in these books and in *The Philosophy of Meta-Reality* is that consciousness must be implicit, enfolded within matter, in the first place. I also argue for possibilities which are actualized daily, for example, in transcendental identification in consciousness, irrespective of our material states and the centrality of these states in our social life. None of this actually occurs without there also being embodied human beings. It would be a further interesting line of thought to ask what happens if we didn't have bodies? Would the consciousness as it were survive, would it have powers of its own irrespective of body? This gets us into the question of disembodied consciousness and those are some of the issues which will be taken up in the further exploration of 6R, the sixth realm of re-enchantment. I think, for example, that if you look at a concept like ideology, or the kind of concepts circulating around September 11, or even the concept of the struggle of the working class, these have to be made sense of as emergent ideational entities in their own right. Classical Marxism regards consciousness as an emergent power in its own right and a social form in its own right. You have to understand language, or forms of painting, as social forms sui generis; they're encoded in some way materially within us - otherwise, one supposes, one wouldn't have the possibility of re-learning all the time. Actually, we already have paradigms within Marxism of ideas existing and acting in relative autonomy of their material context. MERVYN. When you say mind is enfolded within matter, is the other side of that coin that matter is enfolded within mind? Have we got a dual aspect theory here? ROY. Through our conscious intentionality we can put matter in motion. Matter itself can't put mind in motion. There's a unilateral asymmetry between mind and matter. Once mind is on the scene, boundary conditions may be given by physical laws, but what actually happens depends on mind. MERVYN. But matter is in motion prior to human consciousness. ROY. That's right. At a certain point we have human consciousness, first of all animal sentience. Other things being equal, human consciousness takes over, now within certain limits, because this is a huge open world. So what is the dominant force on our planet now? It's obviously the products or re-products of mind - the technologies of destruction which are destroying the planet. (But a meteor could crash into the planet, and our fate could be altered - maybe for the better; it could reverse certain ecological changes and give the species more time.) I'm afraid there's a one-way scale: the medievals were right, the higher up the scale you get, the more power you have. So the Bengal tiger is a beautiful animal, and capable of beating man one on one in a contest until man discovers the rifle; it's man's mind that allows him to discover the rifle. The point is its quite clear that, once we have the rifle, we have a way of dealing with tigers. MERVYN. Actually historically it was spears and collective labour. ROOY. But the interesting thing is that at that time there was an equilibrium of the species - the tigers survived and thrived; it was the great hunts of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries when the white man was shepherded around Africa or India by blacks or browns in search of sitting targets, and destroyed the tiger, and now its terribly endangered, and all the species which existed in symbiosis with it. So it's a one-way ladder unfortunately. A lot of people think spirituality is mind over matter, and so they think you have to lie on a bed of nails to prove your superiority of mind over matter, but every time you lift up a cup of coffee you demonstrate it. MERVYN. What is spirituality then? Could we end with a short definition? ROY. Spirituality is total, consummate love - adoration - for everything that exists and has value in its own right. A love which carries with it boundless energy and respect for all forms of being. And that's the ultimate cohesive force in social and natural life, and it must be creative, on the move. This brings me nicely to the issue you raised about creativity ex nihilo. We're continually evolving new possibilities, that's the extraordinary thing. Anything new - all right, there's a material cause: there's something there already - but anything new also involves an element of ex nihilo; if there wasn't this 'out of nothing' there could be no de novo (the emergence of the new from something). Ultimately every change embodies an element of complete novelty. If you could reduce change to pre-existing elements - if there was no ex nihilo element - there wouldn't be any change, you'd be living in a totally static world. And ultimately the extraordinary thing about our world is that, when we reach particularly the levels of consciousness, we can create new possibilities, we can change things. And through the power of our love - our creativity - we can change ourselves and change the world. That's my definition of spirituality. Spirituality is not something static: it is growing, continual, love for creation. An infinite and inexhaustible love for being and for life. A yearning to see everything unfold. Gnter Minnerup <g.minnerup-AT-unsw.edu.au> writes >On Sat, 16 Nov 2002 12:31:10 +0000, Mervyn Hartwig wrote: > >>MERVYN. One of the interesting things is that some of the critical >>realists most resistant to getting into *Dialectic* are Marxists. > >>ROY. I know! You could say what's new? This was true in Marx's own time. > >>MERVYN. I turn finally then to the relation between critical realism and >>Marxism. [snip] > >Just when it's getting interesting... :-) > > > > > >Gnter Minnerup >Visiting Fellow >Centre for European Studies/School of History >University of New South Wales >Sydney NSW 2052 >Tel. (+61 2) 9385 1363 (work) >Tel. (+61 2) 9398 3646 (home) >Email g.minnerup-AT-unsw.edu.au > > > > > --- from list bhaskar-AT-lists.village.virginia.edu --- -- This e-mail is intended for the named recipient only and may be privileged or confidential. If you are not the intended recipient please notify me immediately. Mervyn Hartwig 13 Spenser Road Herne Hill London SE24 ONS United Kingdom Tel: 020 7 737 2892 Email: <mh-AT-jaspere.demon.co.uk> There is another world, but it is in this one. Paul Eluard --- from list bhaskar-AT-lists.village.virginia.edu ---
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