File spoon-archives/bourdieu.archive/bourdieu_2004/bourdieu.0401, message 51


From: "Roy W. Reese" <roywreese-AT-earthlink.net>
Subject: [BOU:] Religion and the Right -- Beyond L'affaire du Foulard
Date: Mon, 5 Jan 2004 16:54:10 -0500


It has been, on the whole, stimulating to see the Bourdieu list come alive
in the both calm and vituperative parries over the French ban on the foulard
in the schools.  If I may hazard a generalization, it seems some of the
disagreement affirms an incomensurability of eastern and western doxa.  In
doing so, it reaffirms the value of journeys over destinations (an imperfect
metaphor I fear will be misinterpreted, perhaps I should say the limits of
each person's cultural vistas and the need for other such vistas).

I do not know how much I have to contribute, but the debate about first the
veil specifically, then Islam and fundamentalism and capitalism more
generally, makes me yearn to hear more thoughts regarding the "uses" or
manipulations of religion more generally.

As an opener, I will return to the following quote from Bourdieu:

"Si la resistance a l'imperialisme economique et culturel des pays
occidentaux et en particulier des USA a pris la forme d'un fondamentalisme
religieux, c'est peut-etre parce que les pays touchis par cet imperialisme
ne disposent d'aucune autre ressource culturelle mobilisable et
mobilisatrice.  On peut diplorer -- et beaucoup d'arabes et de musulmans le
font -- que la resistance contre l'hegimonie et l'imperialisme n'ait pas
trouvi d'autre moyen d'expression que celui qu'offre la tradition
religieuse, souvent dans sa formule sevevre et archaoque."

While at a visceral level I nod in agreement -- and analogies encompassed by
the book title "Weapons of the Weak" and the phrase "nativist movement" come
to mind -- fairly or not, I find the observation problematic.  Although
offered in the context of the Middle East and Islam, Bourdieu's comment begs
the question of what "cultural resources" other than religious or archaic
ones exist even within the *western* domain to mobilize the masses.  It also
raises the question of the ways in which the Right in the West uses
religion.  Less problematical for me, it underscores the totalizing nature
of religion and the nature of religious symbols.

Some "Journalistic" Background

At the moment I live in a small, rural southern US (North Carolina)
community at the social, economic, cultural, and (especially) intellectual
margins.  It is one where "capitalism" is embraced (without even an
elementary understanding) and fundamentalist, Protestant religion reigns --
a flavor of Christianity that is both wed to capitalist visions and
manipulated by the political Right.  The manipulation takes two forms.

First, at the local level, identification with the "Christian right" (a term
I prefer to fundamentalism as I see *most* of  both the Christian and
Islamic manifestations that are so labeled as being strongly shaped by
specific political interests rather than remaining "purely" theological in
nature) is used as a way to appeal to voters.  So strong is the
identification with rightist visions of Christianity that the local
Congressman here actually bragged about his ties to the "Christian
Coalition" -- a bone-chilling performance that I witnessed in the fall of
2002.

Second, at the national level, we see the political Right using religion not
only as an electioneering tool, but as a red herring (not an opiate) to
divert attention from its political economic agenda.  So we watch and
protest as Bush opposes stem cell research, cuts funding for aid to
international programs promoting birth control, and promotes "faith-based"
initiatives -- and the US Congress protests a well-argued and supported
judicial panel finding that the phrase "under God" added to the national
pledge of allegiance violates US constitutional protections.  Today I
received a link to this preposterous tidbit:

http://www.alternet.org/story.html?StoryID=17476

Such events mark yet another stunning low in political discourse in the US.
They also keep the populace distracted while its collective pockets are
being picked.  As a results we face daily survey findings showing that those
citizens most harmed by current US policies are most supportive of the
administration that is the source of the harm.

Some Questions

Without belaboring the specifics of the situation here any more, the
situation raises troubling intellectual and political questions.

1)  It shows the hold of religion.  It is not "mere" ideology, it is an
all-encompassing ideology filled with emotion-evoking symbols.  Mobilizing
the masses means engaging their emotions.  *Perhaps* with the exception of
the French revolution (I am far from my past readings there) I simply do not
find good historical examples of interests or "cultural resources" that can
motivate beyond religion or nationality (ethnicity, if you prefer) -- or
both combined.  Need we look further than the Middle East and Eastern Europe
to see this?

The hold that religion has I would contend comes from the indeterminate --
or. better, multivocal -- nature of it's symbols.  They are mostly
non-linguistic symbols that allow plenty of room for individual
interpretations -- and, as a result, can pull disparate individuals and
groups together.  Unlike the priestly caste -- or the members of this list,
believers tend not to "put too fine a point" on the meaning of their
religion's symbols.  In this regard, religious symbols and practices allow
observations such as the one from Akbar Ahmed -- ". . . I gradually
perceived the deeper significance of the prayers" -- where religion comes to
feel personalized.

At this point I think two points are apt.  a)  I must join a prior poster in
noting that my interest here is in the power of religion as a motivator --
and that, in labeling it ideology I do so without regard to the content,
truth value, or possible personal benefits of any or all religions.  b) I
believe it is the history of religion, frequently its ties to personal and
group identity, and the inherent power of its symbols that make it a
powerful ground for contested political territory -- both capitalist and
anti-capitalist.

2)  Given that religion is used by both capitalist and anticapitalist
interests, any consideration of the uses of religion in the cultural,
political, and economic confrontations must be able to account for both
uses.  Here I would ask:  Is it merely the power of the symbols, the tie to
identity, the extra-rational locus of belief that accounts for the ways in
which groups and individuals fall back on religion?

3)  What cultural resources exist beyond religion and ethnicity that *can*
mobilize people against westernization, globalization, capitalism?  In
asking this I note that the first quote that Par Engholm provided from Marx
came from an introduction to the latter's critique of Hegel.  I would
suggest the quote be read with an eye toward the historical context in which
written -- 19th century Europe and its disruptions.  Marx remained acutely
aware of the French revolution and later uprisings that appeared at least
incipiently class based.  However, later historical experience has shown
that class interests remain obscure and unmotivating to most -- while
earlier "traditions" of religion and nationalism come to the fore again and
again in motivating and organizing.

Question for List Members

So I repeat:  what resources are there beyond religion and nationalism?
What evidence do we have that the shifting alliances among religion,
nationalism, and capitalism in the post-modern world leaves us any space for
hope, for something better beyond?

The answers to these questions -- which I wish I had -- are certainly beyond
intellectual interest.  They speak to the real need we face in the US to
replace an administration that is undermining our most fundamental,
constitutionally granted democratic protections -- and leading the country
to outlaw status in the world.  They speak to the need for others, as well,
to find a progressive, competing model.

Roy

PS As a secular example of the power of symbols, at the end of the
Congressman's presentation covering (anti)environmental, economic, and
international topics to which I referred above, he invited questions.  The
first question came from a town alderman and military veteran who wanted to
know "whatever happened to that bill to ban flag burning."  For him the flag
represents a sacred national symbol.  For me legislating the inviolacy of a
piece of cloth at once works toward making it a "secular religious" symbol,
elevates its role in political confrontations, undermines the most important
principles for which it should stand -- and serves as a red herring
deflecting attention from the real threats we face.  It also negates the
hope I would like to feel for a better future.


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