Date: Mon, 06 Nov 1995 07:57:39 -0800 From: knoWWare-AT-mindlink.bc.ca (Tom Walker) Subject: HAB: Legitimation crisis/Eternal recurrance I wonder if there isn't something faintly "Deweyian" about Habermas' work? Or perhaps a slight wavering between critique of the myth of progress and instantiation of a more articulate version of the myth? I'm looking at F.A. Hayek's _Road to Serfdom_ as a kind of ideal expression of the currently fashionable call for competition, entrepreneurship and self reliance. And I must say this at the outset: Hayek's vision is far more humane and well reasoned than that of his neo-liberal disciples who uncritically uphold the free-market as a cure-all (while fervently pleading their own special interests, exemptions and subsidies -- but that's another story). Hayek's book, although intended as a repudiation of socialism, presents an anticipatory critique of the neo-liberal frenzy. Vulgar neo-liberalism throws these reservations overboard as just so much cumbersome ballast. Generally speaking, the main opposition to the neo-liberal dogma comes from defenders of the social gains of the welfare state. I would describe this defensive tendency as fundamentally Deweyian, in that the writing of John Dewey could be taken as an ideal representation of its main tenets. Again, I have to caution that Dewey's writing is far more subtle and nuanced than the faith of his followers (whether or not they know they're his followers). I would also have to confess to being Deweyian, at heart -- but I'm struggling against it. Deweyians and Hayekians agree on one major point: that there is an underlying progressive factor in human history. They disagree over how to define this progressive factor. Where Hayekians would point to competition between individuals as the fountain of progress, Deweyians would emphasize collective knowledge as the repository of progress. For Deweyians, this accumulated human knowledge facilitates social and economic planning. The preceding is, of course, a simplification but it is a useful one. In a head on contest between Hayek and Dewey, Hayek wins. Even if we accept complaints about media bias (which I do), it hardly matters. Hayek would win on any conceivable "level playing field." To put it crudely, this is because when we meet goods in the market place, they put on a happy face. We don't know, and rarely care, if they've been made by child slave labour or by seven merry dwarves. The same doesn't hold for government services (in a democracy) because the services themselves, and the conditions under which they are produced, are explicitly contested through the political process. Hayek argues that "collectivism" inevitably leads to totalitarianism, hence the title of his book, _The Road to Serfdom_. But here's the scary part that Hayek and his admirers have conveniently missed: if we accept Hayek's critique of collectivism and if we apply his argument consistently to the competitive road, then we end up with equally totalitarian implications. Hayek's universe of sovereign individuals is as one-sided a figment of the imagination as any collective. If collectivism is a road to serfdom, competitive individualism is a superhighway. Followers of Hayek sneer at the element of wishful thinking inherent in social welfare schemes. And their skepticism has a ring of truth. There _is_ an element of wishful thinking. There is, however, an element of wishful thinking in ANY fantasy about the inevitability of human progress, including the neo-liberal one. If the Deweyians lean a bit more toward the wishful part, the Hayekians lean toward the thinking part at first, but end up every bit as wishful -- and just a shade more hypocritical and predatory. But if both Hayek and Dewey are tainted, what is the alternative? A full blown "critique of progress" is a non sequitur in a debate over the best means to achieve economic and social progress. To criticize the myth of progress is to make oneself "incomprehensible", "irrational", "obscure", "pessimistic", "impractical", etc., etc., etc. So a way must be found to contest the myth of universal progress on something like its own ground. Stories of local, but enduring, progresses (with an emphasis on the plural) are "something like" the myth of universal progress but different enough to allow an opening for human agency -- _real_ human agency, not the neo-liberals' heroic puppetry. Unlike the myth of progress, these multiple stories don't supply us with all the answers ready made. But they help us ask the questions about things that really matter. Somehow, though, I don't think the multiple stories can stand on their own as a "diversity". This is the "identity politics" strategy of divide and be conquered. There is no one, all encompassing "true story" (the relentless march of progress) against which these multiple stories can be evaluated. However, it is still possible to tell another story -- a "*meta* narrative" -- that makes unified sense of the muliple stories without thereby advancing any claim for its own superior truth. This construction of metanarratives is the task of narrative policy analysis (and I'll take this opportunity to mention the book by Emery Roe called _Narrative Policy Analysis_). Having said all of the above, I now have to challenge myself as to the difference between what I've said and some platitudes about "thinking globally and acting locally." I guess the difference would be that narrative policy analysis advocates acting locally, _thinking locally_ and, in the process, patiently disclosing how the self-styled "global" stories possess neither global nor local omniscience. This approach may be called a sadder but wiser one. Sadder, in that advocates of more compassionate social and economic policies must give up their claim to superior insight into the inner workings of historical progress. Wiser, in that the claim to superior insight wasn't winning any battles anyway. Shalom, Tom Walker knoW Ware Communications knoWWare-AT-mindlink.bc.ca http://mindlink.net/knoWWare/
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