Date: Sat, 04 Aug 2001 09:32:08 -0500 Subject: Re: An Idea whose time will never come steve: > > > Comments in various places; > my own take on this is that the considerable work that has been done by intellectuals as diverse as Foucault, Negri, Hardt, Habermas, Deleuze, Lyotard, Moufe and Kristeva required marxist thought as a starting point.... "Resistences are no longer marginal but active in the center of a society that opens up in networks..." I like this conception as well and agree with you wholeheartedly. This is my great hope as well. The end of the nightmare of the failed revolution of 1917 will I hope be followed by the end of the failed American revolution... A consumation devoutly to be wished. One of the many growing pains for me as an American has been the final recognition that things in this country are getting far worse, not better. Call me naive, but at one time I truly believed the inherent justice of the civil rights movement, the women's movement, the ecology movement and the demands for economic parity would be eventually recognised - that American society was moving in the right direction, albeit slowly. In the past twenty years, however, I have witnessed the world turned upsidedown. The triumph of corporate fascism has been realized in America. Where is the America of the Abolitionists, the Wobblies, Eugene Debs, Frederick Douglas, Jane Addams, Haymarket Square, Mother Jones, Emma Goldman, Abraham Lincoln? Here is another America that is now in the process of being forgotten, paved over by Disney to create a new historical theme park for the spectacle. (here we are now, entertain us.) I want that America to go away forever - I gag on its sanctimonious racism, sexism and simple hatred of the poor. America's idea of heaven today is a gated community, ruled over by Jesus (who hates gays and uppity women), and well stocked with obedient and silent servants, preferably from the temp pool and sweat shop. (As nike says - Just screw it!) God is the C.E.O. of this alien corporate universe and is in the process of raiding our historical pensions for increased ROI before the final divestiture.) Where this Lyotardian model is problematic is in the failure to recognise that 'judgement without criteria' is precisely condemming one to the liberal politics which he and we rejects. I don't see why ethical paralogy necessarily limits one to a politics of liberalism. What criteria do you propose as necessary? Do you see it as determinative? What Lyotard is attempting to achieve is to establish a mode of thinking which creates a role model for subversive, non and anti-universalising ways of thinking that argues for difference rather than the contruction of essentialised thinking. In understanding of theories of difference there is a common misassumption that each point on the plane of difference is morally and socially equivilant. This is not however the case for theories of difference return to essentialising positions from behind, in that no theorist of difference can accept that a supremicist position has equivilant value to one arguing for equality and equivilance. Lyotard's clearest discussion of this is related in his piece 'one of the things at stake in women's struggles' where he discusses the essentialising problem that exists in feminist movements. Lyotard's liking for the pagan, for refusing political theories that are related to philosophies (or grand narratives) runs aground on the rocks of sexual difference because it is by nature philosophical, essentialist and deeply political - it is one of the points from which any and all societies can be fairly judged - 'sexual difference would constitute the horizon of worlds more fecund than any known to date...' This is not to refuse or deny the attractiveness of the anti-humanist refusal of Lyotard's criticism of forms of thought that over-inflate their abilities, theoretical abilities to subourn difference to the over-specifics of a theoretical perspective. (The anti-humanist focusing on the locality of thought and action that is the hallmark of the generation of intellectuals that Lyotard and Foucault were a part of is one of their most interesting features - they all lived the situationist phrase 'act local think global...') But it does raise the difficulty, near-impossibility of an ethics founded on difference that is indeterminate... because the examples used to justify the argument fail to convince. Wow, there is a lot to unpack here. First of all, I agree with most of the critique you are making about ethics of difference. I think its political limitation have become all too apparent. N&H do a good job I think in Empire of demolishing its pretensions. However, part of the problem is I don't think Lyotard is subsumed by this and my other post is an attempt to explain partly why I think so. The woman's struggle essay might be a fruitful one for a later discussion, as I would position this slightly differently as well. My question to you to this. Given the limitations of identity/difference ethics/politics, what is the new move you see N&H as making? Do you consider this a more valid and fruitful approach? Nobody told the Arabs anyway... (see Thesinger and the recent Minority reports) I not familiar with these reports. Would you be able to expand on this a little? Your reply was in reference to my comments about the Abolitionists. thanks eric
Display software: ArchTracker © Malgosia Askanas, 2000-2005