Date: Sun, 22 Dec 1996 09:38:59 +0100 (MET)
Subject: M-G: Reply to Jay Miles Part 1


>
>Detcom:
>Who is the "We" you refer to, Malecki?  Who is there but yourself?
>You don't even have your pig or donkeys for comrades anymore.  Has
>the M-I list designated you as their spokesperson?  I don't answer
>to SCUM OF THE EARTH as yourself, Malecki.  You are listed in my
>book as one that co-operated with the FBI, leading them to the 
>dynamite and spilling the beans.  You've never made self-criticism
>for these things, and I highly despise you, who are you to demand
>anything from anyone, mr. slime-pie?
>
>Jay Miles / Detroit

The only real beans spilled was my publishing the material on the PCP and 
their tactics of murdering leftists. Un Detcoms undying defense of this kind 
of shit along with his pal Aldolfo.That is what Jay is really Pissed off 
about. and for those of you who are new to the list I shall include the 
material  about this stuff to the list.
Thus Jay being  completely politically exposed  needs to slander and cop 
bait people.

Bob Malecki

THE CRISIS IN THE PCP-SL

One year after his capture, Gonzalo made a U-Turn. He decided to make the
"new great decision" and to advocate the end of the people's war and a
"peace agreement" with Fujimori.

He justified that shift writing that the PCP-SL without Gonzalo's leadership
is not capable of winning the war. For Gonzalo, only he himself could lead
his party to the victory and because he was in jail for all his life and he
was
incapable of leading the party in the war, the PCP-SL needed to avoid a
serious defeat.

He understood that the PCP-SL couldn't win the war and that the priority
was to protect the life of thousands of political prisoners and of most of
the PCPSL leadership in jail. He offered Fujimori a deal.

The destruction of the APRA, the United Left and "revisionism" is something
that Gonzalo was happy with and he congratulated Fujimori for achieving
these and some reforms. A very secret deal is on the agenda. The
pro-Gonzalo forces
are progressively being liberated from prison and in the mass organisations
they are becoming "left" supporters of the regime.

Gonzalo's shift is a complete contradiction of what he said in his speech
when he was showed in a cage. Until 1992 the PCP-SL considered that they
achieved "strategic equilibrium" and that they have to prepare a war of
movements and the military occupation of Lima and other cities. Before his
capture Gonzalo moved to Lima and he led a constant bomb campaign. Nearly
every day the PCP-SL put bombs in many places. They put bombs even in
places in which many ordinary workers were walking. In Tarata (Miraflores)
they kill more than ten innocent workers and street sellers. In the road
between Callao and Lima they put bombs which injured or killed innocent
passengers.

These actions created a panic in society and many ordinary people were
becoming alienated from the PCP-SL who have a record of killing workers and
popular leaders and of destroying electricity plants and factories. Gonzalo
over-estimated the influence and capacity of the PCP-SL. His move to Lima
to prepare the final assault was  an adventure and he paid for it with his
capture.

One year later he realised that he could do nothing in jail and that his
party was defeated. The PCP-SL didn't achieve the "strategic equilibrium"
and it was very unpopular amongst the workers and poor people. The shanty
towns were the bastions of the left and the PCP-SL always wanted to expel
the United Left from them. The PCP-SL managed to help the army and Fujimori
to destroy the left in the shanty towns and since the 1990s the
overwhelmingly majority of the shanty towns became supporters of Fujimori
who is giving them some order and some crumbs.

Gonzalo's shift created a big problem amongst his comrades outside the
jail. They didn't want to end the war. Some of them established a lucrative
power base in the Huallaga river area (world's main cocaine producer). Some
of them were genuine fighters which wanted to continue the struggle.

The Central Committee outside the jail (the so-call Feliciano wing) decided
to continue the "people's war". Gonzalo made several presentations on TV
and sent many of his handwritings everywhere showing his new position.
Gonzalo's father and mother in law supported his new position. All the main
PCP-SL leaders in jail (Miriam, Morote, Meche, Cox, etc.) and more than 90%
of the PCP-SL political prisoners openly supported him. On TV Gonzalo's
lawyer (Crespo), Morote and other leaders gave presents to the Fujimorists
and tried to be nice to the people that before they condemn as "fascist
rats which have to be killed". There are many pictures in which Gonzalo
appears with many of these leaders. In Europe many pro-PCP-SL Solidarity
committees decided to support the "new great decision".

The PCP-SL's Central Committee couldn't accept Gonzalo's betrayal but they
also couldn't denounce him. The PCPSL has a feudal structure. Gonzalo is
consider a living god and the only basis of party's unity. For the PCP-SL, 
its
ideology is "Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, Gonzalo's thought and principally
Gonalo's thought". Initially the Central Committee denied Gonzalo's
capitulation. It wrote that this was a farce or that Gonzalo was probably
under drugs. Nevertheless, the pro-people's war Central Committee had to
admit that there is a "black clique" around all former PCP-SL leaders in 
jail
(except Gonzalo) who have to be smashed because they are advocating a peace
agreement with Fujimori. The Central Committee cannot try to ignore reality
and cannot cover the sun with a finger.

So, the Central Committee is trying to separate Gonzalo's thought from
Gonzalo's person. This is a kind of religious exercise. Gonzalo's thought
could live for ever no matter if the real individual could renounce it.

Gonzalo's capitulation created the first significant split of the PCP-SL.
>From 1970 to 1993 Gonzalo was able to expel factions which didn't have any
later importance (like the Bolsheviks in mid-1970s or New Democracy
in the early 1980s which opposed a premature and "Hoxhaite" starting of the
people's war). The "Great Decision" was the first big explosion.

Nevertheless, the explosion continues.

The Revolutionary Internationalist Movement (RIM), a Maoist international
created around Aavakian's RCP (USA) which was the main international
supporter of the PCP-SL, adopted a contemplative position. For the RIM there
was a battle of two lines. At the end the RIM decided to side with the
faction which was continuing the war.

The pro-Feliciano supporters became very upset with these oscillations. The
Maoist Internationalist Movement (a clandestine USA-base group) took the
opportunity to oppose the RIM. The MIM have a lesbian symbol and are trying
to became the best defenders of the PCP-SL's Central Committee while it
is killing homosexuals as part of increasing the morals of the PCP-SL's
"liberated areas".

The Peruvian supporters of Feliciano's PCP-SL are divided between the
pro-RIM, the pro-MIM and the "Red Flag" which is against both US Maoist
internationals.

The "Red Flag" claim to be the only representative of the PCP-SL's Central
Committee abroad. It is in charge of the PCP Web Page. It criticised the
pro-MIM for fighting for the defence of Gonzalo and the political prisoners.
They are against the defence of most of the PCP-SL prisoners because they are
supporting the "peace agreements". They are trying to separate Gonzalo
thought from his body. The importance thing is to stress the militarist
Gonzalo thought and the Central Committee which is now the only living
incarnation of that thought. For the "Red Flag" the Maoists who are
supporting the people's war but also have some illusions in Gonzalo's living
person could end in a new peace agreement. The "Red Flag" accused Olaechea
and Arce Borja as leaders which are trying to use the PCP-SL struggle to
build their own popularity.

The MIM and El Diario Internacional are denouncing the "Red Flag" as a CIA
plot like they denounce the rest of the left. Olaechea and Arce Borja are
trying to be the only authority outside Peru in supporting the "people's
war". They are trying to build a World Mobilisation Committee, which is in
fact an attempt to create a new Maoist international around the MIM and some
pro-Feliciano committees.

The wars between all these factions are based on slanders, accusations and
verbal and physical violence. The pro-Feliciano forces openly congratulated
their comrades when they killed members of the Gonzalo's pro-peace agreement
faction. The different pro-Feliciano groups attack with any kind of slander
or dirty accusations. Many supporters of the PCP-SL are demoralised and
outside these wars.

The PCP-SL is in a terminal crisis. Gonzalo decided to became a new Haya de
la Torre. Haya was the founder of a mass petit bourgeois anti-imperialist
party in 1924. In the early 1930s the APRA organised terrorist attacks and
putches.  Nevertheless, in the 1940s and 1950s it became an imperialist
puppet. In the late 1950s and in the early 1960s Haya initiated
super-coexistence with Prado and Odria, right wing anti-communist
dictators which persecuted the APRA when they were in power.

Gonzalo's capitulation is even worst than the terrible "convivence" of
Haya de la Torre. Gonzalo wants to be like "Comandante Rolando", the leader
of Bolivian Maoism who launched a popular war against a left bourgeois
nationalist regime in 1970, who became part of the establishment and
minister of labour of very anti-working class regimes in recent years.

Today there is a dirty game between the two factions of the PCP-SL (the
pro-people's war and the pro-peace agreement). Gonzalo is playing with both.
He use the militarist wing and its violent attacks to push Fujimori to make
concessions to him. And he tries to press Fujimori to allow more freedoms
for his pro-peace comrades with the aim of stopping the militarists. When a
significant pro-Feliciano militarist is captured, the army sends him to
talk with Gonzalo and he would convince him or her to abandon Feliciano and
to support him.

This is creating problems among Feliciano's supporters. Some want
a complete breakdown with the possibility of having any link with the peace
agreement. Some want to continue in armed struggle until Gonzalo could
achieve more concessions from the regime.

None of these factions would lead a workers and peasant revolution. The
PCP-SL strategy is based on a complete rejection of Bolshevism. Only a
proletarian revolution made by workers and peasant councils and militias
and lead by a MASS leninist-trotskyst party could abolish capitalism. The
PCP-SL is against the workers and peasants organisations, councils and
militias because they are "fascist" or "revisionist". The PCP-SL is against
the building of a mass party using the electoral tribune and united front
tactics. The PCP-SL is against general strikes, soviets and insurrections.
They wanted a private war with the army in which the working class is a
subordinate entity which has to abandon its programme and class interests
and to follow the militarist petit bourgeoisie.

The electoralist stalinists (United Left) and the militarist stalinists
(MRTA and PCP-SL) block the road to a proletarian revolution because they
are against the creation of workers power and they are for a popular front
with sections of the bourgeoisie. We defend every left group against
repression and we are for the unconditional freedom of all their prisoners.
We don't fight only for the release of our comrades and the crushing of the
other left forces. We demand all the Peruvian left and unions to make a
united front in ACTIONS with the aim to mobilise the workers and peasants
against more privatisation, more militarism and more laws against the
unions and the workers.

In that fight the trotskyists from Poder Obrero and other groups should
work to converge and to develop a new revolutionary party.

Richard Bos wrote:

>It seems rather incredible to me too.
>
> Are they suggesting some kind of conspiracy between two wings of the PCP?
> They hate each other in public, but not in private? Or are they
>suggesting that Gonzalez has managed to fool two opposing organisations
>into accepting his leadership in opposite directions from his prison cell?
>
> Each time I read any of this I get left with more questions. I am slowly
>working things out though, but I still intend to keep out of the
>denunciations game.

It is difficult to know what is *really* going on.
The PCP-SL is a highly militarised organisation without any kind of internal
democracy.

One of the problems with every left militarist apparatus is that it could be
very heavily infiltrated by the army. The leader of the terrorist wing of
the Socialist Revolutionaries in Russia was an agent and he managed to lead
the murder of his boss, the leader of the Russian secret service. Today the
PCP-SL is very much infiltrated by the secret service.

Fujimori adopted a new repressive law. With the new legislation every person
suspected to be "terrorist" could be put in jail and for all his life he/she
will only receive one monthly visit for half hour. The "terrorists" are not
judged by civil tribunals; they have to go to secret military trials in
which the judges are anonymous and have masks. People that could be in
favour of the freedom of some PCP-SL members could also be put in jail.

Fujimori combines the carrot and the stick. There is a "law of repentance"
and any "terrorist" which could give valuable information to the police
could be released. *Many* political prisoners became informers.

A very important question is the relation between the PCP-SL and the masses.
In the 1980s many poor people saw the PCP-SL as a possible liberator.
Nevertheless, their methods alienated many people. For the majority of the
poor people in the shanty towns the PCP-SL was responsible for the lack of
electricity which reduced jobs, rotted the food in the refrigerators, etc.
(the PCP-SL quite often destroy electricity plants and poles). In the
countryside the PCP-SL smashed industrial plants, slaughtered thousands of
animals (cows, sheep, llama, etc.), destroyed bridges, roads and posts, etc.
The PCP-SL was trying to undermine the rural co-operatives and to "surround"
the cities but they manage to undermine their relation with several layers
of the poor population.  The PCP-SL threatened the rank and file assemblies
and killed left-wing political opponents, the PCP-SL provoked the entrance of
the army, etc.

In the 1990s the Peruvians wanted to end more than one decade of
hyper-inflation and chaos. The working class was paralysed by the PCP-SL and
United Left. The great majority of the poor people look for a salvation.
They fine one in Fujimori. Unfortunately he is still very popular. He has
60% of support in the opinion polls. Many poor people are supporting
Fujimori because they think that he is the only one that could stop
hyper-inflation and "terrorism". The PCP-SL IS VERY ISOLATED. It could have
some military actions and could have some influence in the Huallaga river
and other rural areas, but it's influence has diminished very much. The
majority
of the Peruvian people are very disappointed with "politics". The people
which one decade ago wanted a change through political action are trying to
survive working as hard as they can. The working class is in  period of
defeat and retreat.

In a context of marginalisation from the masses, internal crisis,
frustration and heavy police infiltration, many things could happen around
the PCP-SL.

Gonzalo decided to make his big shift three years ago. He and his supporters
inside the jail are receiving papers, better living conditions, TV publicity
and the possibility to co-ordinate between them. On the contrary, prisoners
>from the MRTA and other groups against the "peace agreement" can't read
newspapers, are very bad treated and can't communicate very well between
each other. Most of the most dangerous political prisoners are in Canto
Grande (Lima) but there are other jails in different places around Lima and
Peru. Gonzalo is in a special marine prison in Callao (Lima's port) and the
main group of PCPSL leaders are in Yanamayo (4,000 meters above the sea and
south of Lima on the border with Bolivia). How can they contact
between each other? How can the leaders of the peace agreement discuss
among themselves and how can they meet? The police service is helping them
transporting people or messages from one place to another. Gonzalo was able
to speak directly with many PCP-SL prisoners which were transported from
other prisons only for having some interviews with their supreme leader.

Gonzalo's faction is openly in favour of giving up the "people's war" and to
commit themselves to a "peace process". They recognise Fujimori as the
legitimate President of Peru and they are willing to help him in his
"pacification" role. The PCP-SL which doesn't agree with the peace process
doesn't attack Gonzalo. The clandestine and pro-people's war PCP-SL's Central
Committee knows perfectly that Gonzalo is for the peace agreement. There are
too much evidences: several TV broadcasts, handwritings, pictures, and the
open support of Gonzalo's relatives and all the PCPSL leaders in jail.
It is very hard to believe that Gonzalo didn't have any form to communicate
his disagreements against the peace process in 3 years. he received at least
one monthly visit. Lenin or Trotsky in Siberia and even the Left Opposition
comrades under the terrible conditions of Stalin's concentration camps were
able to communicate some of their views outside the prisons.

It could be said that Gonzalo capitulated due to tortures. Nevertheless, no
guerrilla prisoner in the history of Peru did that before. This is something
that never happened before to Hugo Blanco, Bejar and all the prisoners from
the 1960s guerrillas, all the leaders of the PCP-SL which were in jail from
1980 to 1993 and most of the leaders of the MRTA until 1996.

All the important PCP-SL cadres in jail were capable of great sacrifices.
They made very valiant actions inside the jails and in 1986 around 300 of
them were killed. The PCP-SL had a slogan "if you want to make a rebellion
against the emperor you should be prepared to be blown up into 1,000 pieces".
Leaders like John Wallace in Scotland or Jose Olaya or Tupac Amaru preferred
to be smashed in pieces rather than to capitulate. Why would the great
leader, the "greatest living Marxist" and the "only guarantee of victory",
be the
only one that surrendered to tortures?

Gonzalo's physical aspect doesn't show a great degree of tortures. He could
be put under drugs, but how would these affect him over 3 years? How all
the Central Committee leaders and nearly all the thousands of political
prisoners in jail could be convinced by a mentally unhealthy and not stable
person and how could they today actively agree with him?

Gonzalo's  family abroad spoke with him by telephone and they are convince
that he is in favour of a "peace agreement". The majority of the PCPSL
supporters in Europe are promoting the "peace agreement". None of them face
any serious physical threat. They don't need to capitulate to defend their
life. They simply agree with the new order of the semi-god.

Gonzalo's new documents shows that he is still a very lucid man and that
only he could have the capacity and the style to write them. The Peruvian
SIN was more intelligent. It managed to use persuasion to influence the
"great leader".

SIN was more intelligent. It managed to use persuasion to influence the
"great leader".

Gonzalo's capitulation has to be investigated in his program and policies.
Most people would denounce him as a coward but that's not my position. In
the early 1980s Poder Obrero always wrote that the PCP-SL would capitulate 
to the reaction. Why?

Continued in part 2  



 
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