Date: Wed, 15 Apr 1998 12:25:41 +0100 From: Gerry Downing <gerry-AT-gerryd.demon.co.uk> Subject: Re: M-G: Ireland: "The Limits of Nationalism" In message 3.0.2.32.19980415072758.00b2eb3c-AT-pop.gn.apc.org, Chris Burford cburford-AT-gn.apc.org writes The contributed article copied below is obviously not a definitive Republican position on the limits of nationalism but is regarded as a valuable contribution to a debate within Sinn Fein that the leadership wants widened. I submit the article "The limits of nationalism" is compatible with a Marxist analysis of the successes and limitations of Irish nationalism, and why the way ahead for them in their opinion may not be a purely nationalist one, if they want a united Ireland, democratic and socialist. Dear Chris, This letter is not at all compatible with Marxism, though it is the ideological basis of Republicanism, which, No Other Law (a regular critical contributor) must be regarded as a prime advocate. It is underpinned with many idealist assumptions. Remember Marx=92s famous analysis of the French revolution: The big bourgeoisie watched the revolution from their windows until it had spent itself and then stepped in to transform =91liberty, equality and fraternity=92 into the small change of industrial commerce. The ideals were translated into the dictatorship of the bourgeois republic because the working class was not you strong enough to intervene to establish its dictatorship. But it is now, objectively certainly though not yet politically because of its lack of revolutionary leadership. Gerry Adams uses the idealised French Republic, which could never exist, to propose something similar for Ireland: =91Sinn Fein has a vision of the future. Of an Ireland free from division and conflict. And where all our people can live together in peace. This can be achieved in our lifetime.=92 The class struggle will definitely have to await the agreement of the Loyalist here, obviously. No other law sets out his vision thus: =91The objective of the republican movement is a socialist republic. Socialism is based on common ownership of resources, production and distribution. It is profoundly democratic. Republicans cannot achieve equal citizenship or democracy under capitalism, where class, profit and exploitation prevail. Partition was enforced by Irish nationalism and British imperialism. It works in the interests of Irish and foreign capitalism. Republicanism and socialism provide the means to oppose partition and the alliance of nationalism, capitalism and imperialism that it serves. Since 1798 republicanism has found itself unable to wrest leadership of the movement for national democracy away from nationalism. The result has been betrayal, defeat and repetition. The peace strategy tries to go back in time, to recreate the pre-1921 alliance between republicanism and nationalism. That alliance failed and that time is gone. Nationalism will always betray republicanism and socialism. Until we place a radical republicanism at the core of our politics and strategy we condemn ourselves to failure.=92 He does not say how this is to be done, at least in general outline, it is simply the old Republican/Socialist confusion. For instance the Republican Congress of 1934 was deliberately split by the Stalinists on the question of whether you should demand of DeValera =91for the Republic=92 (the Stalinist wing) or =91for the Workers Republic=92 (the Price/Connolly O=92Brien wing). Trotsky recognised the progressive nature of the opposition by Price and Nora Connolly/O=92Brien and entered into correspondence with Connolly=92s daughter. Surely to put the workers Republic as the slogan implied a rejection of the nationalist/Stalinist two stage theories of revolution and placed the working class as the central leadership of the revolution - a socialist one which had as one of its central tasks the achievement of the unresolved national tasks. =91Republicanism=92 is the left petit-bourgeois form of nationalism, not a separate entity. It is the form that did not sell out in 1921 or 1969 or 1998. But it nevertheless is of the same class basis and cannot take on and defeat international imperialist companies, to which Irish capital is of necessity subservient. This is the form of =91socialism=92 advocated for a period by Castro and Gadaffi, amongst others. Where an abundance of natural resources or the support of the USSR could allow a national capitalism, of a deformed and isolated workers state, to make socialist advance without the mass participation of the working class as the real. and not proxy, leadership of the revolution. Not a republican/socialism but an internationalist revolutionary socialism - Trotskyism - is what is needed. A new reforged Fourth International which can organise to prevent the capitalist internationally discipline workforces by moving production to other countries to break unions, which can organist defence of the working internationally until it is politically strong enough to make revolution. Put the battle to defend the Australian dockers and the Mexican factory workers etc. first and you will find the key to internationalism, not by simply looking inwards to a lost idealist tradition. Gerry Downing --- from list marxism-general-AT-lists.village.virginia.edu ---
Display software: ArchTracker © Malgosia Askanas, 2000-2005