Subject: M-I: Words from the Japanese CP
From: jschulman-AT-juno.com (Jason A Schulman)
Date: Sun, 27 Oct 1996 22:30:43 EST




FOR THE FUTURE OF SCIENTIFIC SOCIALISM

Speech for the International Theoretical Political Meeting

Organized by the Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia

by Hikaru NISHIGUCHI

Alternate Member of the Central Committee

Head of the International Department

Japanese Communist Party

May 11-12, 1996

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1. What Kind of Century Was the 20th Century?

I would like to say a few words, reviewing the 20th century, on the
perspective for scientific socialism towards the 21st century, on the
topic of "the Role of Socialism", one of the basic questions to be raised
in this meeting, entitled "Towards the Future." 

Following the demise of the Soviet Union and the dissolution of the old
regimes of the East European countries, the argument has been widespread
that the 20th century was the century in which socialism has proved
itself a failure, and "hail to capitalism" rang out loud. But such
arguments are all mistaken. The meaning of the collapse of the Soviet
Union was the fall of a system which had alienated itself from socialism
by committing itself to suppressing its own people and invading and
intervening in other nations. This does not mean either the failure of
socialism or communism. It stands to reason that its failure and
dissolution was the consequence of its deviation from the cause of
socialism. 

>From a broad view of the hundred years of the 20th century, we can
clearly confirm that national self-determination, democracy and human
rights made big advances, unprecedented in human history, and that this
was basically an achievement of the people's struggle all over the world,
and that in this the people's movements based on scientific socialism
played a major part. 

Scientific socialism is a scientific theory which elucidates the laws of
social development. It is a theory which is being continuously advanced
and developed by the people's movement in every country. Scientific
socialism is the only theory which makes clear the contradictions of
capitalist society and gives a perspective for resolving such
contradictions for the better in the interests of the people. We are
convinced that the 21st century will be a century in which scientific
socialism will demonstrate its vitality and real value more than ever. 



2. On the Collapse of the Soviet Union

To get a clear future prospect for scientific socialism, it is very
important to recognize that the collapse of the Soviet Union was not the
product of scientific socialism, but the result of deviating from the
cause of scientific socialism. 



Autocracy and hegemonism

In the Soviet Union's own history, there was a distinct contrast between
the actual implementation of socialism just after the October Revolution
and the autocracy and hegemonism established in the period from the time
Stalin came to power and on. 

Immediately after the successful October Revolution, Lenin declared in
the "Decree on Peace" that even the peoples in the colonies have the
right to national self-determination. In world history, that was the
first declaration of its kind by a national government. And in fact the
Russian government returned many foreign territories which Czarist Russia
occupied, thus helping the neighboring countries become independent.
Having shaken the imperialist powers, this greatly stimulated the
millions of people in Asia, Africa and Latin America who were struggling
for self-determination and the national independence. The Russian
government led by Lenin also made a big contribution to progress in the
world by proclaiming and implementing social rights for the people,
including equal rights between men and women, the eight-hour working day,
paid holidays and a social security system. 

Contrary to this, Stalin and his successors enforced externally a policy
of great-power chauvinism and hegemonism, from which several countries
were invaded and their right of national self-determination infringed.
And internally, in the former Soviet Union a system of autocracy and
commandism was established, which excluded the people from economic
management both in industry and agriculture, and in which the dissidents
and many innocent people were oppressed and sent to the concentration
camps and subjected to massive forced labor. All this was in complete
violation of the principles of scientific socialism. 

Hegemonism is the practice of a policy of hegemony and aggression.
Originally, it is imperialism's external policy. If a country which
called itself socialist practiced this policy, it was none other than
degradation into so-called "social imperialism." In 1939, Stalin
concluded the secret pact with Hitler on the division of Poland and the
handling of the three Baltic states, which were then annexed one by one
into Soviet territory. It is a well-known fact that annexation of the
three Baltic states, a hegemonist mistake, was not rectified until the
collapse of the Soviet Union. After World War II, the Soviet Union
unilaterally "incorporated" the Chishima (Kuril) Islands, which are
historically the legitimate territory of Japan, into its territory. This
was based on their secret agreement with the leaders of the United States
and Britain, concluded in the last days of World War II to hand the
islands over to the Soviet Union. This has been severely criticized in
Japan as hegemonist action which infringed the Japanese people's
sovereignty. 

After World War II, the Soviet leadership committed repeated hegemonist
mistakes which included the aggression against and interference in
Hungary, Czechoslovakia and Afghanistan. They also forcefully interfered
in international democratic movements and many foreign parties, including
the Japanese Communist Party (JCP), to subject such parties and peoples'
movements to their control. 

The JCP was the direct victim of such great-power chauvinist
interference. And we mobilized the whole of our party to fight the
Communist Party of the Soviet Union's hegemonism for over 30 years. This
also meant that we experienced a process in which we clearly recognized
the essence and reality of hegemonism and how unworthy it was of
socialism. 

When the JCP learned that the CPSU was dissolved, we welcomed it as the
bankruptcy of "the colossal evil of great-power chauvinism and
hegemonism." This was our actual frank feelings because we had had a
life-and-death struggle against the CPSU which had in a hegemonist way
forcefully intervened to overthrow the leadership of our party and even
mobilized their state organs for this purpose. 



What kind of society was there in the Soviet Union?

As regards the Soviet Union and the East European countries where the old
regimes collapsed, the JCP thinks that "they collapsed before reaching a
substantive socialist society" (The JCP Program). At the JCP 20th
Congress two years ago, we considered what kind of society had existed in
the former Soviet Union. 

Socialism is often characterized as being the "socialization of the means
of production." "Socialization" means transferring the ownership of the
means of production to society, i.e. to put it into the hands of the
people. Just nationalization of the means of production cannot be
regarded as "socialization." Lenin emphasized the importance of creating
the conditions for the people to take part in nationwide control and
management of economic life as an essential condition for advancing
towards socialism. But, Stalin abandoned this Lenin policy. 

It is true that there was a form of "nationalization" and
"collectivization" in the Soviet Union. But this did not mean the
transfer of the ownership of the means of production into the hands of
the people, nor anything approaching this for the people. On the
contrary, it contributed to laying the basis and the economic foundation
of an autocratic and bureaucratic system in which Stalin and other
leaders had total economic power, with the people being excluded from
economic management. 

Out of the various economic structures in former Soviet society, things
of socialist value to some extent were those connected with guaranteeing
the people minimum living standards, such as the social security system,
the foundations of which were laid during Lenin's time. But these were
connected, not with production relations but with the distribution
relations, and therefore, were not fundamental components in the
formation of the economic structure of society. 

The JCP thus made clear its position with the following conclusion: 

"Socialism stands for the liberation of humankind as its prime ideals,
and aims for a society in which the people become the masters. It is
crystal clear that a society in which the people are oppressed and
excluded from economic management both in industry and agriculture, and
which is supported by millions of prisoners doing forced labor is neither
a socialist society, nor a society in transition to socialism" (Report on
Amendments to Party Program at the JCP 20th Congress). 



On the movement of scientific socialism

In light of the historical experiences in the 20th century, the JCP has
made some theoretical elucidation from the viewpoint of an independent
development of scientific socialism. 

One such is our explanation of the movement of scientific socialism. It
is not a movement which imposes a "blueprint" of an abstractly envisaged
ideal society. Guided by the theory of scientific socialism, the actual
social contradictions will be exposed, and the transformation of society
promoted by traversing the necessary stages for resolving the
contradictions in line with the laws of social development for the
benefit of the people. This is fundamental to the movement. Therefore the
movement can only advance in an independent national movement in
accordance with the actual conditions in each respective country. 

Contrary to this, the CPSU-style arguments on the movement were
characterized by putting the Soviet Union first. From this viewpoint,
whatever the Soviet Union did was regarded as correct, and the only thing
that people wishing for world progress should do was to just follow the
Soviet Union and unconditionally support and defend it. Theoretical
expression of "the-Soviet-first-ism" was the theory on "the general
crisis of capitalism." Stalin and others took this simplistic view into
the world communist movement by which the Soviet Union's establishment
and existence was regarded as the key factor, and arising from this world
capitalism was regarded as heading directly for decline and collapse.
According to this theory, the biggest factor for deciding the position of
the respective capitalist countries in the world was not to be found in
each country, but outside them, i.e. in the existence and development of
the Soviet Union. Such an argument was possibly agreed to by some of
those people who felt deeply disappointed when the Soviet Union
collapsed. 



3. For Developing the Movement of Scientific Socialism

With the 21st century just around the corner, I think we have the
following three basic tasks to further develop a worldwide movement of
scientific socialism. 

The first task is to fundamentally liquidate hegemonism and its harmful
legacies, and subservience to hegemonism. This problem has left a trail
even after the collapse of the Soviet Union. The second is to fight the
wrong argument that "socialism and communism have collapsed." The third
task is to take a resolute stand on the need to promote society in
accordance with the laws of social development guided by the theory of
scientific socialism as a living guide, not a dogma. 

At the same time, I want to say to this meeting that even though we may
have different views on such standards and basic questions, it is still
possible to promote international cooperation and joint work on immediate
important tasks, which we can agree on, such as the elimination of
nuclear weapons, the disbanding of all military blocs and alliances, and
the withdrawal of foreign military bases. 

>From this standpoint, the JCP has conducted various vigorous activity. 

Japan is a highly developed capitalist country, but since World War II
ended it has been in subordination to the United States. In Japan, there
are 136 U.S. military bases with 47,000 U.S. personnel stationed, and the
United States has positioned Japan as an important stronghold for its
hegemonist world strategy. Japanese monopoly capital and its spokesmen
fully support U.S. strategy and have maneuvered to strengthen and expand
the Japan-U.S. military alliance onto a global scale and for sending
Japan's "Self-Defense Forces" to other countries. 

Based on the fundamental view of scientific socialism that society
develops stage by stage, the JCP takes the line of first carrying out an
anti-imperialist, anti-monopoly democratic revolution and, at a
subsequent stage, aiming for a socialist revolution. Both revolutions
will be carried out on the basis of the majority will of the people as
expressed through elections. As urgent tasks, we aim for abrogation of
the Japan-U.S. military alliance; defeat of the policy of anti-people
domination by Japanese monopoly capital; the realization of true
independence; and for a democratic change of politics, the economy and
society. 

The present aim of the JCP is to get the U.S. military bases removed from
the whole of Japan, not just from Okinawa Prefecture where the U.S. bases
are heavily concentrated. The JCP is working to change current politics
which gives priority to big business and the major banks, and for
defending the people's living standards and their rights. 

In the present situation in Japan in which all parties except the JCP
have virtually become ruling parties, there has been increasing support
and sympathy for the JCP not only from a wide-range of people who don't
support any particular party, but also from some conservatives. In the
Kyoto mayoral election in February this year, the candidate who was
supported only by the JCP among all the political parties got 48.1% of
the votes, and nearly beat his opponent who was supported by the
"all-are-ruling parties" forces. This was a tremendous shock to the
anti-communist and reactionary forces. In a House of Councilors (the
upper House of Japan's parliament) by-election in Gifu Prefecture in
March, the JCP candidate, compared to the regular election a year before,
trebled the number and percentage of the vote. Many people now
acknowledge that the JCP is becoming the axis of the progressive forces
for changing Japan's current politics. 

The JCP now has approximately 360,000 members. And we publish daily and
Sunday editions of the organ newspaper Akahata with a total circulation
of 2.5 million. We have a total of 29 members of the Diet (Japanese
parliament): 15 in the House of Representatives (the lower House) and 14
in the House of Councilors, and about 4,000 elected local government
assembly members. Although this is a precious achievement, it is not
enough to fundamentally change today's politics in a progressive
direction. We are now striving to build and develop our position further.


This concludes my brief explanation of the JCP's position on the question
of socialism and on our programmatic line and activity. 

Thank you very much for your kind attention. 


------------------------------------------------------------------------
The Central Committee of the Japanese Communist Party
4-26-7 Sendagaya,Shibuya-ku,Tokyo 151
E-mail:jcp-AT-mb.infoweb.or.jp
Copyright © JCP 




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