From: Adam Rose <Adam-AT-pmel.com> Subject: RE: M-I: Social Movements and Class Date: Wed, 29 Jan 1997 11:46:10 -0000 Yoshie asked how easy is it / has it been to win white male workers to fight against sexism, racism, homophobia, etc ? This is quite a complex subject. However, I think it is necessary to start by pointing out how wrong the stereotyped view of white male workers put forward by Feminists, Black Nationalists, or Queer theorists is. While it is of course true that workers do have backward ideas, it is also true that the most implacable opposition to these ideas has come from precisely these groups of workers. The so called Labour aristocracy, the Engineers across Europe, were at the centre of the opposition to WWI. During the 60's, there was an opinion poll in Detroit which asked "Does the Black Panther Party represent your interests ?". A significant proportion of the WHITE population answered "yes" ( I can look up the figures if anyone wants ). Recently the Liverpool dockers welcomed environmental protestors onto the demonstrations. Etc. In general, I would argue that workers tend to accept the prevailing ideas in society more when they have been beaten and are demoralised. On the other hand, during a period when workers are winning victories, and there appears to be a real hope that society can be changed, workers ideas tend to move towards feelings of solidarity and opposition to oppression. Within this overall pattern, the role of explicit socialist ideas and parties can in certain circumstances make a significant difference both to the outcome of the class battles and to the ideological balance of forces. In Britain, the example of the dockers illustrates this. In 1968, they went on strike in support of Enoch Powell's anti immigration speech. Earlier on in the Labour government, they had been taken on and beaten by the employers. From 1969 onwards, British workers moved on to the offensive. In 1972, the dockers picketed out the newspaper workers in Fleet St to free four people dockers imprisoned under the Tory anti trade union laws of the time. After this, the dockers introduced a rule that any docker even seen talking to a member of the Nazi National Front would be kicked out of the union and therefore sacked under the closed shop arrangements. In general, the National Front began to grow again only after this succession of victories in the early 1970's turned into a succession of defeats under the next Labour government from 1974 - 1979. A similar pattern can be seen in Russia before 1917 : before 1905, progroms. In 1905, a Jew, Trotsky, elected to the head of the Petersburg Soviet. Between 1905 and 1917, more pogroms. During 1917, Trotsky was reelected head of the Soviet, and the mass of Russian workers are led by the Bolshevik party, 8 out of 10 of whose central committee were Jews. Miners in Britain were seen as completely homophobic ( probably unfairly ). Yet during their year long strike in 1984 - 5, the support they received from gay groups and from Black people in Brixton, meant that they changed the way they thought about these issues ( and others - for example, Nothern Ireland ) A group of Yorkshire miners led off the gay pride march in 1985 in London. I'm sure that the defeat of the workers movement during and after the McCarthy era in the US helps explain the opposition of some southern workers to the civil rights movement. This post is long enough. I have deliberately ignored the difference socialists can make. But the confidence of workers in their own power is the key to the ideological battle. The tactics, organisation, and arguments of socialists can and have made a big difference - but that's another post, I think. Adam. Adam Rose SWP Manchester Britain. --- from list marxism-international-AT-lists.village.virginia.edu ---
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