Date: Wed, 25 Jun 1997 22:52:46 GMT From: Chris Burford <cburford-AT-gn.apc.org> Subject: M-I: Decommissioning Blair's new initiative on Ireland has received a cautious welcome from Gerry Adams. After making a loud speech a few weeks ago emphasising in Northern Ireland the certainty that the population wishes to stay British, and proclaiming that the Republicans may fail to get on the negotiating train, Blair has shifted the British government position significantly towards that of the Irish. He has also done it while keeping to the "bipartisan convention" that the opposition will support government policy on Ireland, so the new William Hague gave a speech in support. And the official Unionists were not totally hostile. The key issue is about arms. The British government has dropped its statements about the IRA giving up arms prior to negotiations. The IRA's position is that is would only discuss giving up arms after negotiations on matters of political substance. The new Brit government position, accepts aspects of the Mitchell proposals, of Senator George Mitchell, for parallel decommisioning. (Mitchell recommended "an approach under which some decommissioning would take place during the negotiations") An Independent Commission would be set up to make proposals for decommissioning and monitor their implementation, There would be another subcommittee of the parent body concerned with with other confidence-building measures. This is all about conflict management. While few marxists would doubt the revolutionary history of Irish Republicanism whether the immediate aims of the Republican Movement could be called revolutionary, or fit into a wider revolutionary strategy is not clear. The Republicans in some ways have through their spokespeople been putting the pressure on the British government by frequent references to the South African experience, and Mandela. Martin McGuiness, was recently emphasing that he had just come back from a conflict management seminar in South Africa also attended by Orange representatives. Presumably the Republicans want to delay as long as possible giving up arms, and to maximise their influence over a section of the population. They may also be hoping for a more devolved Northern Ireland, which while not united with the South could have greater scope for all Ireland economic and political processes within the wider framework of the European Union rather than within the British isles. More analytical articles in An Phoblacht could be examined to see if they point in that direction. Meanwhile the new Labour Minister for Northern Ireland, Mo Mowlam has emphasised that the possibilities of reducing violence during the marching season in places like Drumcree, will not be enhanced by central decisions, which one side or another will always consider to be unfair. By contrast the emphasis is on talks among the local community to see if accommodation can be reached. So here we see conflict management policies, in which the Republicans are participating, stretching from major political and economic strategies, down to local group psychology. Will it work? Probably. But the logic of the conflict resolution in South Africa was that the parties must continue talking even if there are incidents in which killing continues. Blair is not dependent on the votes on Loyalists, and providing a loyalist backlash or general strike is not called, he may now be able to continue talking. Loyalists may kill Catholic lay people, to provoke Republicans to kill soldiers or policemen in balance. The Republicans look as if they are accepting that is a matter of time before they give up their arms. Whether they have a strategy for winning over or neutralising the protestant working class is one of the great unresolved questions of the Irish national liberation struggle. It is a key component in whether the present phase of the struggle is fundamentally revolutionary in content, if not revolutionary in form. Chris Burford London. --- from list marxism-international-AT-lists.village.virginia.edu ---
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