Date: Fri, 12 Sep 1997 12:26:07 -0500 From: Doug Henwood <dhenwood-AT-panix.com> Subject: Re: M-I: Zionism, antisemitism and history Andrew Wayne Austin wrote: >New York Times in reviewing one of Chomsky's books claimed that Chomsky >was one of the 7 or so most important social thinkers who ever lived, or >something to that effect. The NYT has all its book reviews, daily and Sunday, since 1980 on its web site. They haven't reviewed one of Chomsky's books since 1986. Here's that review. Doug ---- INSTITUTIONAL STRUCTURE BLUES Date: April 13, 1986, Sunday, Late City Final Edition Correction Appended Section 7; Page 28, Column 2; Book Review Desk Byline: By Alan Tonelson; Alan Tonelson is associate editor of Foreign Policy magazine. Lead: TURNING THE TIDE U.S. Intervention in Central America and the Struggle for Peace. By Noam Chomsky. 298 pp. Boston: Sound End Press. Cloth, $30. Paper, $10. TODAY, in the flush of the Reagan era, it is easy to forget America's debt to the New Left scholars and writers who have explored the dark side of American history, politics and foreign policy. This loosely knit band of thinkers has been much less successful, however, at turning its findings into a convincing wholesale indictment of current American public policies, much less a sound program for the future. The strengths and weaknesses of the New Left's approach are all showcased in ''Turning the Tide,'' a broadside against the United States record in Central America and around the world written by the Massachusetts Institute of Technology linguist and New Left stalwart Noam Chomsky. Text: Mr. Chomsky's thesis is simple - which, much contemporary foreign policy wisdom notwithstanding, is not necessarily a bad thing. He argues that ''much of what U.S. governments do in the world'' stems from the determination of American leaders to secure and preserve what he calls a ''Fifth Freedom'' utterly unlike Franklin Roosevelt's first Four: ''the freedom to rob and to exploit'' around the world. Worse, this drive is ''rooted in the unchanging institutional structure'' of ''military-based state capitalism'' that dominates American society. In its quest for tight control of foreign markets and resources, he argues, United States policy has ''sought to destroy human rights, to lower living standards, and to prevent democratization, often with considerable passion and violence.'' No one should dismiss Mr. Chomsky's arguments as perverse, 60's-era America-bashing without finishing his first and third chapters, which detail the horrifying atrocities committed in this century against Central American populations by local forces with which Washington worked closely, then and now. Like most of the book, these sections are ''clip jobs'' drawn from secondary source histories, from news articles and from reports by the usual assortment of liberal and left-leaning Latin America and human-rights groups. But as the debate over United States involvement in Central America intensifies, it becomes doubly important to recognize how much high-quality evidence challenges the Administration's claims that in El Salvador decent civilians are firmly in control and the guerrillas are practically defeated, or that the Sandinistas are so repressive and so dangerous to the hemisphere that America simply has to do something. Indeed, the degree to which Mr. Chomsky can not only challenge but also persuasively reverse such claims about those forces responsible for the worst repression and aggression in Central America should jolt any fair-minded person who still buys the Administration's moral case for current United States policy. In addition, Mr. Chomsky amply documents his charge that even the country's best news organizations have too often swallowed the essentials of the Reagan Administration line in this conflict; he should only train his sights on some Congressional Democrats next. Yet ''Turning the Tide'' - much of it turgidly written - is profoundly flawed. Mr. Chomsky should not have to call Jeane Kirkpatrick the Administration's ''chief sadist-in-residence''; any record that is truly atrocious should speak for itself. Further, the author doesn't seem to know the differ-ence between attributed and unattributed quotes, frequently treating the statements of nameless ''U.S. officials'' and ''informed sources'' who agree with him as revealed truth. Like most participants in the Central American controversy, Mr. Chomsky is often highly selective in his use of evidence. And it would be much harder to label him reflexively anti-Israel if, just once in his harsh description of the Jewish state as the handmaiden to American oppressors in Central America and a brutal colonizer at home, he mentioned that most of Israel's neighbors do not recognize the country's right to exist and remain officially at war with it. Big theoretical problems abound, too. A compelling one-dimensional interpretation of American foreign policy is not inconceivable, but Mr. Chomsky's version - ''The guiding concern of U.S. foreign policy is the climate for U.S. business operations'' - ignores too much of what the postwar world's Western creators not only said, but did. A corporate oppressor state that built up industrial centers in Western Europe and Japan in the stated hope that they would soon rival the United States is behaving in too peculiar a manner to warrant that title. And a system of domination that, for all the misery it may have helped to create, has not only brought record prosperity to the people of the industrialized world, but to South Korea, Taiwan and others in the third world as well - and permitted all of these populations to exercise unprecedented control over their destinies - cannot be explained by blanket condemnation. MR. CHOMSKY'S analysis shows that his neglect of these points stems neither from the polemicist's need to deceive, as his critics usually charge, nor from a sense of guilt run wild. Rather, it reflects a failure to think of United States national interests in a Hobbesian world in which tragic choices are sometimes unavoidable. Nowhere in ''Turning the Tide'' is there a serious discussion of what America needs to do in the world to provide for its security or prosperity. The author simply heaps scorn on the notion that America confronts forces that would be hostile no matter how benign Washington's international actions. And he tends to discuss America's material well-being as a right that is or is not due us - as though the international system we are stuck with for the foreseeable future permits us to deal with such matters primarily in legal or moral terms. The choices made by American leaders might have been hideously or pathetically wrong. But they are most accurately seen as choices made to preserve specific interests (even if they have not honestly been presented as such) and best criticized as counterproductive, dangerous and/or unnecessary. Otherwise one is reduced, like Mr. Chomsky, to debating points that are factually valid but useless as guides to American policy. Because Mr. Chomsky provides rhetorical ammunition from a too-often-ignored and maligned perspective, he enlarges the bounds of today's foreign policy debate. But the terms of the debate remain largely sterile. How politically and militarily active does America need to be in this hemisphere to preserve its interests? How active does it need to be in the world? What roles, if any, can moralistic and legalistic concerns play in safeguarding American interests in today's state system? Merely posing these questions - and suggesting that not all worthy foreign policy goals are mutually re-enforcing - are acts of thinking far more radical than anything in ''Turning the Tide.'' <123> April 27, 1986, Sunday, Late City Final Edition <127> The publisher of ''Turning the Tide: U.S. Intervention in Central America and the Struggle for Peace'' by Noam Chomsky was listed incorrectly in the April 13 Book Review. The publisher is South End Press. --- from list marxism-international-AT-lists.village.virginia.edu ---
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