Date: Wed, 15 Oct 1997 01:38:29 -0400 From: malecki-AT-algonet.se (Robert Malecki) Subject: M-I: M-G: On VOODOO RHETORICS,CUBA, and other matters (Pt. 1) >Return-Path: <owner-marxism-general-AT-jefferson.village.Virginia.EDU> >Delivered-To: malecki-AT-algonet.se >X-Authentication-Warning: jefferson.village.Virginia.EDU: domo set sender to owner-marxism-general-AT-localhost using -f >Date: Tue, 14 Oct 1997 22:44:24 +0000 >From: vladimir bilenkin <achekhov-AT-unity.ncsu.edu> >Organization: NCSU >To: marxism-general-AT-jefferson.village.Virginia.EDU >Subject: M-G: On VOODOO RHETORICS,CUBA, and other matters (Pt. 1) >Sender: owner-marxism-general-AT-jefferson.village.Virginia.EDU >Precedence: bulk >Reply-To: marxism-general-AT-jefferson.village.Virginia.EDU > >[I want to apologize for unintentionally misspelling Adolfo Olaechea's >last name in >my previous post]. > >The last of Olaechea's revelations makes me think that the rank of our >voodoo dialectician-in-charge and at-large, that I was about to award >him, would be clearly undeserved and even unfair to a number of genuine >voodooists on this list. I thereby demote Olaechea to our voodoo >rhetorician-in-charge and at-large. Let us now briefly >examine this remarkable example of the rhetoric of the voodoo left >dogmatism behind which there lingers on an ideology of the philistine >petty-bourgeois nationalism. > >Olaechea writes: > ><<The best proof that what Olaechea writes could not have been written >by a >Trotskyst, is precisely that the Trotkyst Bilenkin (and that Bilenkin is >a >Trotskyst we have ample proof in case his memory is shortchanging him) >is so >dead against his version of history in relation to the true character of >the >Cuban regime.>> > >A purely rhetorical construction based on a circular logic with a rather >silly >proposition that since "we (sic!) have ample proof that Bilenkin is a >Trotskyist" >then Olaechea could not have written anything that could have written by >a trotskyist! Everything that follows is but the extended version of >this spectacular construction. > ><<That Bilenkin takes this position - like Trotskysts always do in >opposition >to the proletariat - is obviously for the most simple and telling of >reasons:>> > >I categorically refuse to see Olaechea as a synechdochy for "the >proletariat" >in general and the Cuban proletariat in particular. If any of the good >members >of this list can provide me with any evidence to the contrary I will be >eager to >consider it and, if convinced, to bring my sincere apologies to >Olaechea. > ><<Because it relates to true facts and exposes these true facts for >everyone >to see. As these facts run contrary to the interests of the >social-fascist >bourgeois scholars of revisionism who seek to delude the masses into >supporting reactionaries by dressing them up as "the people's friends", >and >moreover, such facts expose these very scholars practical collaboration >with >imperialism, is it at all surprising then that Bilenkin wants to add his >penny's worth to this mistification?.>> > >Of course it's not surprising. What is surprising is how well the >contemporary >epigoni of Vyshinsky have been able to preserve his style (and style >only) while >completely lacking his undeniable logical skills in manupulating FALSE >FACTS. The >"ample proof" of this aspect of Stalinist degradation that explains why >I had to >deny Olaechea even the rank of the voodoo logician will be demonstrated >below. > > ><<As to Bilenkin's silly and wooden "dialectics", sufficient to say that >contradictions among fascists and counter-revolutionaries are not >precluded, >neither that such contradictions can become very acute under certain >circunstances. It is obvious that such inter-bourgeois contradictions >can >also lead to wars, and in fact they inevitably lead to wars when all >other >methods to resolve them fail, as history has proven many a time.>> > >Let us ponder on this theoretical semblance. My "wooden" dialectics as >well as my knowledge of history suggest that contradictions between >"fascists and counter-revolutionaries" are of a different nature than >inter-bourgeois contradictions (both within one country and >internationally), though not unconnected with them. The former can be >born only out of the dynamic of class struggle against the advent of the >revolutionatry proletariat. The latter exist always, i.e. even when the >class struggle is in its latent phase. Olaechea's voodoo rhetoric is >intended to obfuscate the difference that in certain circumstances can >become crucial for proletarian politics. For instance, we can say that >under no conditions the contradictions of the former type can lead to a >civil war but only to a putsch. But a marxist politician worthy of this >name would have to go far deeper in examining these two types of >contradictions in all their concrete manifestations. He will not be >deceived by the vodoo dialectics of Olaechea-Manuilsky since he has >learned something from history and is manly enough not to hide from this >experience. He knows that counter-revolutionary forces and even the >fascist ones are not homogeneous substances of the Stalinist metaphysics >but the political representations of heterogeneous social layers and >groups with different and even contradictory interests. He finds in this >heterogeneity of and contradictions between the reactionary forces, >masked and subdued on a level of political representation by a "leader" >or "leadership," a revolutionary chance for the proletariat. This is >what "wooden" dialecticians think >about when they come across the voodoo dialectics of Adolfo's type. > ><<In today's world, US imperialism is the leader of the new fascism, but >even >then, US imperialism - as all imperialist and fascist powers do - >strives to >impose its domination over all other powers, including also those who >are >also equally bitter enemies of the revolutionary proletariat.>> > >A good example of voodoo logic: since all of the above is true, Castro's >Cuba is a "bitter enemy of the revolutionary proletariat." Who can >notice that under the spell of this verbal black magic Olaechea smuggles >in a repudiation of the most fundamental >epistemological insight of historical materialism, the primacy of class >struggle for our understanding of historical process. What Olaechea >asserts is that when confronted by the "revolutionary proletariat" the >exploiting classes of imperialist and "all other powers" DO NOT unite >against their common class enemy but rather slash one another's throats >and commit their own class suicide! Olaechea's thesis then goes against >the very heart of proletarian politics and the entire historical >experience of socialist movement. Bravo, VOODOO PROFESSOR! What >professional propagandist for the bourgeoisie could do a better job! >But Olaechea is not a propagandist for the bourgeoisie. He is a >revolutionary in a tradition of the Left dogmatism, more exactly, of its >degenerated voodoo stage. But the class base of his revisionism remains >the same. Which class? To answer this question we have ask: To What >class social reality tends to appear as one determined by "big guys" and >who tends to explain its own misfortunes and the motion of history by >them and their inter-national competition rather than by the often >invisible struggle between classes? The answer is: petty bourgeoisie, >and in Olaechea's case, the doubly fucked-up peripheral, neo-colonial >petty bourgeoisie. But this is trivial and has only a secondary >interest for me. Much more important is Olaechea's recurrent and purely >rhetorical reference to "the revolutionary proletariat" who leads a >ghostly existence in the insides of our ventriloquist. I'll return to >this detail later. > ><<A case in point is that of the Saddam Hussein regime, which no one can >deny >it is indeed a fascist style regime. The fascism of a third world >bureacratic capitalist regime, the fascism of a weak nation. > >No one can deny either that the US imperialists - who are top dog in the >imperialist pile - would very much like to annex Irak and to rid the >international scene of the troublesome Hussein who is always causing >them >trouble in its regional power plans.>> > >Let me be the only one who does not agree with Olaechea's and President >Bush's >designation of Saddam and his regime as fascist. Saddam is the "mother" >of all petty and not-so-petty Asiatic tyrants. But he is not a >"fascist" unless Marxist science is reduced to voodoo rhetoric. But the >above also shows Olaechea's appalling ignorance of "true facts" about >US-Iraq relations. Who can seriously talk about international >politics, let alone, Marxist international politics with some one who >believes that US "would very much like to annex Irak and to rid the >international scene of the troublesome Hussein who is always causing >them >trouble in its regional power plans"? But this is also secondary since >Olaechea draws his voodoo analogies to convince us that there is no >essential difference between the US-Iraq and US-Cuba contradictions. >Let us play his game for a moment and ask Olaechea: What exactly are the >"troubles" that Castro causes in US regional power plans? > ><<Therefore, it does not follow that communists should support Miami >shopkeepers - only Trotskysts, who, being political eunuchs (i.e. >"revolutionaries" without a revolutionary apparatus to call their own) >can >think in this barren fashion and truly undialectical fashion.>> > >Notice how subtle is this transition to "therefore" from Saddam to Miami >shopkeepers. >Yet the question remains: ON WHOSE SIDE WILL ADOLFO OLAECHEA BE WHEN THE >MIAMI SHOPKEEPERS AND CUBAN WORKERS FACE EACH OTHER IN THE SECOND BAY OF >PIGS? Unless Olaechea's "dialectics" is voodoo Hegelian, he will have to >decide not between the "revolutionary proletariat" of the Holy Spirit >and the Sons of Darkness in Havana but between the corporeal toilers of >Cuba and their bloodthirsty class enemy. Do you pledge the >unconditional defense of Cuba in case of a military intervention against >it, Adolfo? This is a straight question. I expect a straight answer. > >Olaechea continues: > ><<People like this can never see beyond the bourgeois horizon, always >assuming >that in all circusnstances, one has to trail either one or the other >reactionary regime, one or the other reactionary party of the double >faced >bourgeosie, one or the othet reactionary ideology, etc. No sense >whatever >of proletarian class political independence. > >No sense at all of the most basic tenet of the Communist Manifesto: > >"Communists stand as a separate party oppossed to all other parties">> > >Now we have an example of the voodoo citation strategy. Let us again >play the opponent's game for a moment. I quote: > >"The Communists do not form a separate party opposed to the other >working-class parties. > >They have no interests separate and apart from those of the proletariat >as a whole. > >They do not set up any sectarian principles of their own, by which to >shape and mold the proletarian movement. > >The Communists are distinguished from the other working-class parties by >this only.... > > The immediate aim of the Communists is the same as that of all other >proletarian parties...." > >Now what can we say about Olaechea's own "sense of the most basic tenet >of the Communist Manifesto?" > >It is also clear that Olaechea does not know the difference between >ideology and politics, between the political regime and the social >order. He uses Marxis jargon but thinks in the categories of bourgeois >political science. Let me agree for the sake of my argument that >Castro's regime is fascist. What then about the fundamental social >arrangements of Cuban society that determine the day-to-day existence of >10 million people? What if Cuban workers prefer them to those that will >be established by the Miami shopkeepers should they overthrow fascist >Castroites? Is this consideration unimportant for some one with a >"sense of the Communist Manifesto?" > > ><<In the logic of the social-democrat revisionist Bilenkin, you must >always >lend support to Labour, or otherwise you are actually supporting the >Tories, >and it does not occur to him that "Labour" can in fact turn into the >most >reactionary party, making the tories look progressive in comparison. Do >we >proletarians alwyas have to trail behind either one or the other >"carrion >crows perched atop the murrained cattle" trying to sell either to the >masses >as their "friend" in counter-position to the other? It does not occur >to >the "dialectician" in Bilenkin that in fact BOTH are the people's >deadliest >enemies, and that the obligation of the communists is to expose this >fact to >the masses, even when - in particular concrete conditions - supporting >either of them, "like the rope supports the hanged man". > >No. Bilenkin, unlike Lenin, is for the preservation of illusions, >rather >than for casting these illusions away! What is new?>> > >In the voodoo logic of Olaechea, you must not support anyone but the >communist party of outer space and the "revolutionary proletariat" of >the Holy Spirit. This voodoo illusionist has no illusions, you see. He >wants to call things by their true names, the beacon of the proletarian >spirit he is. But in reality, he again smuggles in the most hackneyed >left infantilism that could be explained by naivete and zealotry 80 >years ago but not today, not today. Here is what Lenin, whom Olaechea >makes, after the manner of his "the revolutionary proletariat," into a >ghostly emanation of his ventriloquist excercises had to say on these >matter: > ><<If we are the party of the revolutionary CLASS, and not merely a >revolutionary group, and if we want the MASSES to follow us (and unless >we achieve that, we stand the risk of remaining mere windbags), we must, >first, help Henderson or Snowden to beat Lloyd George and Churchill (or >rather, compel the former to beat the latter, because the former are >AFRAID OF THEIR VICTORY); second, we must help the majority of the >working class to be convinced by their own experience that we are right, >i.e., that the Hendersons and Snowdens are absolutely good for nothing, >that they are petty-bourgeois and treacherous by nature, and that their >bancrupcy is inevitable; third, we must bring nearer the moment when, ON >THE BASIS, of the disappointment of most of the workers in the >Hendersons, it will be possible, with serious chances of success, to >overthrow the government of the Hendersons at once; because if the most >astute and solid Lloyd George, that big, not petty, bourgeois, is >displaying consternation and is more and more weakening himself (and the >bourgeoisie as a whole) by his "friction" with Churchill today and with >Asquith tomorrow, how much greater will be the consternation of a >Henderson government!>> > >Now this is some sense of the "fundamental tenet of the Communist >Manifesto"! And this sense is light years apart from that of Olaechea, >the fact that by now must be obvious to every one. Notice, Lenin does >not call to "chose" between the two parties or to piss on both and march >forward with the communist party of outer space ahead of the >revolutionary proletariat of the Holy Spirit. Nothing of this kind, >i.e. of the "true Leninist" Olaechea kind. Lenin calls the "party of >the revolutionary class" to "compel" Labor to beat the Tories! Lenin >calls "windbags" those who think that class struggle is about calling >Labor "fascists" rather than compelling Labor to win! I don't want to >go further. One can talk for hours about this paragraph-long >masterpiece of Marxist politics. But even a glance at it makes clear >that there is nothing in common between real Lenin and that of the >voodoo Leninists. > >(to be continued) > >Vladimir Bilenkin > > > --- from list marxism-general-AT-lists.village.virginia.edu --- > > --- from list marxism-international-AT-lists.village.virginia.edu ---
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