From: brumback-AT-ncgate.newcollege.edu Date: Thu, 12 Feb 1998 19:20:52 -0800 Subject: M-I: Work in Progress, Part I Dear list members: The following 23K piece of writing is Part I of an essay I'm working on. It is a simple summary of Marx's theory of value. The essay starts by reviewing the theory of value itself, so it can go on to explore some critiques of the theory in Part II, and finally an alternative theory in Part III. I apologize for the haphazard state of the citations, but since probably everything here is not very controversial, maybe you won't mind too much. Later, after I finish Part II and Part III, I'll clean up the cites. I will appreciate any feedback anyone cares to give. Looking forward to hearing from you! Thanks, Nancy * * * * * * * * * Labor, Nature, and Value Theory by Nancy Brumback Marx's labor theory of value is one of an interlocking set of concepts which make up his materialist perspective on human history. Since the advent of the environmental movement and the women's movement, the theory of value has been criticized by both feminists and environmentalists for failing to adequately represent the contributions to the material wealth of society made both by women in the family, and by nature. In what may appear to be a self-contraction, however, Marx also shows that he appreciates both the worth of the labor of women in the family, and the worth of nature. But the theory of value was never intended to account for "worth." As economist Joan Robinson comments, One of the great metaphysical ideas in economics is expressed by the word "value" ... It does not mean market prices, which vary from time to time under the influence of casual accidents; nor is it just an historical average of prices. Indeed, it is not simply a price; it is something that will explain how prices come to be what they are. What is it? Where shall we find it? Like all metaphysical concepts, when you try to pin it down it turns out to be just a word.( Joan Robinson, An Essay on Marxian Economics, 2nd Ed., New York, St. Martin's Press, 1977, 20, quoted in Marilyn Waring, Counting for Nothing.) In this essay, I hope to demonstrate that value is indeed, just a word. But I also hope to show that this word, "value," is exactly that word which describes the contents of the bank accounts of economists, politicians and businessmen all over the world. As such, it has meaning above and beyond the metaphysical. The first part of the essay reviews the labor theory of value and the ideas related to it. Through this review, I hope to establish a baseline for the second part of the essay, which discusses how (and why) value theory fails to account for the wealth created by women (as well as other unpaid and underpaid laborers) and by nature. Finally, the third part of the essay suggests an alternative definition of value to show that such unaccounted-for wealth is indeed nothing more or less than the wealth which accrues every day in the bank accounts of international capital. Part 1. A Review of Marx's Labor Theory of Value Society and Nature. Marx's view of the interaction, or dialectic, between human beings and non-human nature forms the basis of his perspective on the history and development of human society. To Marx, human beings are a part of nature and connected to it in many ways: Nature is man's inorganic body -- nature, that is, insofar as it is not the human body. Man lives from nature -- meaning that nature is his body, with which he must remain in continuous interchange if he is not to die. That man's physical and spiritual life is linked to nature means simply that nature is linked to itself, for man is part of nature. (Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts of 1844; Collected Works, Vol. 3:276, London: Lawrence & Wishart, 1975.) Inextricably so linked in physical reality, nature and humanity can be separated only by abstraction (Jarvikoski, Timo. 1996. "The Relation of Nature and Society in Marx and Durkheim." Acta Sociologica, Vol. 39, No. 1, pp. 73-86); it is only in the process of thought that any distinction at all can be made between the two. The conceptual distinctions Marx made between nature and humans incorporate his speculation on the differences between animals and humans: whereas animals behave instinctively, humans act with self-awareness: The animal is immediately one with its life activity. It is not distinct from that activity; it is that activity. Man makes his life activity itself an object of his will and consciousness. He has conscious life activity. It is not a determination with which he directly merges. Conscious life activity directly distinguishes man from animal life activity (Economic & Phil ms, part 1, p. 18). [Note: As regards the anthropocentric bias of Marx's views on the relations between animals and humans, I will only observe here that it does exist. Even though an exploration of the import of this bias on Marx's work would be very interesting, it would take us too far afield of the present topic.] According to Marx, this life activity of humans is labor. Marx defined labor as the process by which humans transform natural materials into things to meet human needs. And because labor is a human process, it is a conscious process -- willful and purposeful. To illustrate this point, Marx writes about how the "best" of spiders does not have the finished project in mind when she begins her work, whereas the "worst" of architects does (Capital, Vol. I, Ch. 7, Sec. 1). But consciousness is only one characteristic of labor according to Marx; another characteristic is that beyond the "embryonic animal stage," labor occurs only "within the framework of a definite social form." (Schmidt, The Concept of Nature in Marx, London: NLB, 1971:176). In a familiar passage from The German Ideology (Moscow: Progress Publishers, l976, p. 49), Marx contrasts natural phenomena and social phenomena, characterizing social phenomena as something that (1) involves the cooperation of several human beings, and (2) corresponds to a particular mode of production: The production of life, both of one's own in labour and of fresh life in procreation, now appears as a two-fold relation: on the one hand as a natural, on the other as a social relation -- social in the sense that it denotes the co-operation of several individuals, no matter under what conditions, in what manner, and to what end. It follows from this that a certain mode of production, or industrial stage, is always combined with a certain mode of co-operation, or social stage, and this mode of co-operation is itself a "productive force." The development of the mode of production is the basis of the evolution of human society-- the famous Marxian "flywheel" of history. When the mode of production changes, so does the mode of co-operation -- the social relations. Within these social relations, humans act upon nature and change their environment; in this way, human society changes itself. Human labor presupposes not only consciousness, therefore; it presupposes as well the evolution of human society. Burkett, 1996, writes that insofar as the ability to labor has "evolved to a greater extent for humans than for other species, this has occurred in and through a process of social evolution and class struggles" [cf. Engles, 1964, Dialectics of Nature, Moscow: Progress Publishers; Marx, 1967 (1977 printing), Capital, Vol I, New York: International Publishers, 372, fn. 3]. It is the peculiar socioevolutionary character of labor which defines it as human (Capital, 1967, International Publishers, I, 71, 80, 104). Capitalism. The mode of production under which we in the modern world live today is the capitalist system of the production and exchange of commodities, first established in Western Europe in the 16th century. Capitalism is also the mode of production studied and analyzed most deeply by Marx. The establishment of capitalism was a historic event, according to Marx, the result of "many economic revolutions, of the extinction of a whole series of older forms of social production" (I, Ch. 6, p. 2). The mode of production which most directly preceeded capitalism in Western Europe was the manor system of feudalism. Under feudalism, social relations of personal dependence characterised production as well as the entire ground-work of society.(I, 1, p. 26) The production of all the necessities of life for all of society was carried out by a class of serfs who were "bound to the land" by the feudal relations, as enforced by military power, civil law, and/or the requirements of the Church. This class of serfs was passed down through the generations of their masters, the landed nobility, along with the land upon which they lived and worked. Under the manor system, labor and its products took the form of services in kind and payments in kind. The serfs were required to provide their masters with so much corn, beef, mutton, yarn, linen, and clothing, etc. In return, they were given the right to plant certain areas for their own use, to gather firewood and hunt pigs and rabbits in the forest, to take fish, birds, and herbs from the marshes, and to graze their animals on the village commons, etc. According to Marx, the different kinds of labor they performed - farming, husbandry, spinning, weaving, and sewing-- were in themselves "direct social functions" based upon the division of labor in the family according to differences in age, sex, etc. (I, 1, p. 26) This class of producers, the serfs of the Middle Ages, was gradually replaced in Western Europe as the manor system was replaced by the capitalist mode of production. In a slow and wrenching (for the poor) process lasting hundreds of years, the traditional socio-economic ties between the serfs and their masters were broken. The serfs became a working class of "free" men and women: no longer were they obliged to provide for the feudal masters. But at the same time, neither were they entitled to produce their own means of subsistence on the traditional fuedal lands. Now, instead of working to fulfill their obligations to the masters, they would sell their labor for a wage if they wanted to survive, since they had no other choice. Their masters were no longer the feudal masters, empowered through the feudal bonds of reciprocal dependence, but the capitalist masters, empowered through their ownership of land, tools, and money with which to purchase the labor-power of the workers. This "separation of a considerable number of laborers from all property by means of which they can produce anything for themselves" was the starting point of the process of the development of capitalism, according to Marx. It was the Marxian period of "primitive accumulation": "nothing else than the historical process of divorcing the producer from the means of production." (Ibid) Such a period of "primitive accumulation" was necessary because it made possible the fundamental productive dynamic of capitalism, i.e., that situation which arises when two very different classes of people ... come face to face and into contact, on the one hand, the owners of money, means of production, means of subsistence, who are eager to increase the sum of values they posses, by buying other people's labor-power; on the other hand, free laborers, the sellers of their own labor-power, and therefore the sellers of labor (Capital I, Ch. 26). Thus the manor system of social production through mutual dependence and traditional connections to the land was replaced with an economy based on the commodity production and exchange. All of the necessities of human life, which theretofore had been produced on the manor for one's self, one's family, and one's lord in fulfillment of traditional obligations, became commodities to be bought and sold for money at the capitalist marketplace. Similarly, one's labor, whether farming or cloth-making, butchering or sewing, was no longer a reflection of one's social function as a member of a family, because under capitalism labor itself was a commodity to be bought and sold. Production was no longer controlled by the traditional social relations of feudalism. Instead, it was controlled by the capitalists, who owned the means of production and produced whichever items they observed to be most profitable at the market place. Wealth and Value. According to Marx, since labor is a "necessary condition" of human existence, and since humans create wealth whenever they labor, all societies possess wealth. He referred to this wealth as "use-values": useful things created by human labor for the purpose of meeting some human need. On the other hand, value as defined by Marx entered history only with the development of capitalism. This appearance of value per se could come about only when a use-value became a commodity, according to Marx. His definition of the commodity presupposed capitalism: a commodity was a useful thing which was produced for the capitalist marketplace. Why was capitalist production so important to Marx's definition of value? It was because of the transformative effect that he thought that capitalism had upon the nature of the labor that produced the commodity. In the historic epoch of capitalism, he theorized, "the labour spent on the production of a useful article becomes expressed as one of the objective qualities of that article, i.e., as its value (Capital, I, l, p. 16). Marx gives an example of what he means by an objective property: the property of weight, possessed by sugar and iron. But whereas the objective property of weight is "natural," the objective property of value is "social." (I, 1, p. 13, Section 3a3, the Equivalent form of value). Marx further explains that value is a property which is not natural but social because it manifests only when use-values are considered "in relation" to one another. For example, in a particular country at a particular time, a pound of sugar might be equivalent in worth to three pounds of iron. Marx would say that putting aside any superficial price fluctuations caused by such conditions as inflation, supply, and demand, etc., the sugar is worth three time what the iron is worth because it required the expenditure of three times as much human labor to (1) convert it from the natural materials from which it is made, and (2) bring it to consumer in the marketplace. He regarded this labor as "crystallized," or "embedded," in all commodities. To Marx, the particular amount of labor which was crystallized in the commodity became an objective property though which all commodities stand in definite relation to one another in the capitalist marketplace. Clearly, each commodity contains a definite amount of labor: maybe more than another commodity, maybe less, or maybe the same amount. This embedded labor, which all commodities possesed and through which they might all be quantitatively ranked, to Marx constituted the social property of value. Marx further discussed what he thought was the nature of the labor embedded in commodities. This was "abstract labor," he thought. By abstract, he meant that when the various commodities were ranked in relation to one another, this relation was based on the quantity of labor only. The different qualities or types of labor (whether carpentry or baking, for example), dropped out of consideration in this mathematical expression which depends only the length of the duration of time of labor. (Vol. 1, ch. 1. p. 3) So, to Marx, value is the generalized representation of labor -- it is "abstract social labor time" embodied in commodities [Capital, New York: International Publishers, 1967, Vol I, pp. 43, 177 (quoted in Burkett, p. 64)]. And the presence in commodities of the common abstract element of labor, varying in quantity but not in quality, is the basis upon which exchange takes place, i.e., the basis of value. (I, Ch. 1, p. 3). But this idea that value is the manifestation of abstract labor is only the "how" of value. For the "why" of value, for the "value-forming character" of production under capitalism, we must turn to the particular productive dynamic which evolves when the major part of human needs satisfaction occurs through the buying and selling of commodities created for the capitalist marketplace. Then, the economy as a whole hinges on the market dynamic. As Marx observed, commodities enter the market after they have been created by the labor of private individuals or groups of individuals who work independently of one another. These producers do not necessarily come into direct social contact with one another; each form of labor, producing each kind of commodity, is carried out independently of one another. But, according to Marx, each society must integrate all its labor into a coherent whole: it must allocate its labor "among productive activities to reproduce itself. [Marx to Kugelmann, July 11, 1868, in Marx and Engels, 1975, "Notes on Wagner." pp. 179-219 in Texts on Method, T. Carver, ed. Oxford: Blackwell (quoted in Burkett, p. 337)] Such a social integration of all the individual bits and pieces of private labor occurs in the capitalist market place, according to Marx. The validation of labor as socially necessary, or integration of each portion of total social labor, is decided in the market place, by the exchange values the commodities have assumed in relation to one another. Through the property of value, all labor is integrated into the "whole system of material reproduction." As Marx put it: In other words, the labour of the individual asserts itself as a part of the labour of society, only by means of the relations which the act of exchange establishes directly between the products, and indirectly, through them, between the producers (I, l, p. 23, section 4). [Note to Marxist-International readers: I am trying to remember where in Capital I saw the passage that talks about how, through value, the social validation and integration of labor occurs after commodities have been purchased at the market. Can anyone help me here? Thanks. Nancy] The value of labor. As we have seen, upon the development of capitalism, labor-power, which is one of the inputs needed for commodity production, itself became a commodity to be bought and sold at the market, along with all the other necessities of life. It follows that as a commodity, labor-power would assumes an exchange-value in relation to the exchange-values all other commodities. The value of this commodity, according to Marx, was to be reckoned in the same way as all other commodities: The value of labour-power is determined, as in the case of every other commodity, by the labour-time necessary for the production, and consequently also the reproduction, of this special article. So far as it has value, it represents no more than a definite quantity of the average labour of society incorporated in it: Given the individual the production of labour-power consists in his reproduction of himself or his maintenance. For his maintenance he requires a given quantity of the means of subsistence. Therefore the labour-time requisite for the production of labour-power reduces itself to that necessary for the production of those means of subsistence; in other words, the value of labour-power is the value of the means of subsistence necessary for the maintenance of the labourer. (I, Ch. 6, p. 2-3). (Emphasis added.) What were these "means of subsistence necessary for the maintenance of the laborer"? Marx defined them as "the necessaries required to produce, develop, maintain, and perpetuate the laboring power." (K. Marx, Value, Price, and Profit (Part VII) Emphasis added.) In other words, "to maintain in him this capacity for work, and to replace him at his departure, by reason of age, sickness, or death, with another laborer -- that is to say, to propagate the working class in required numbers." (Engels, 1891 introduction to Wage-Labor and Capital, K. Marx, 1989.) These required necessaries, according to Marx, were "natural wants" -- food, clothing, fuel, and housing -- which would vary according to the physical conditions of life, such as climate, and according to the "degree of civilization of a country," e.g., the "habits and degree of comfort in which the class of free laborers has been formed. (Ibid) The monetary cost of these items would change, Marx said, "according to time and circumstances" for "a given condition of society, in a given locality, and in a given branch of production." (Wages, Prices, and Profit, p. 46; also Wage Labor and Capital.) But regardless of all these fluctuations, thought Marx, the capitalist class must pay at least a certain minimum cost for labor-power, and that would be "the value of the commodities, without the daily supply of which the labourer cannot renew his vital energy, consequently by the value of those means of subsistence that are physically indispensable." (I, 6, p. 4, emphasis added) Marx was speaking, of course, not about one laborer only, but about the working class as a whole. Surplus value. Given the definitions of capitalism, value, and the value of labor, we are now in a position to understand the Marxian definition of surplus value, or capital. Capital is that monetary reality which the capitalist uses to buy labor and other inputs to produce and sell commodities for the purpose of acquiring more surplus value. When when the products of labor are sold, if they are sold at a price greater than the cost of making them, and the capitalist keeps the difference. This situation occurs, thought Marx, because of the unique use-value of labor. Marx said that like no other commodity, labor-power is capable of providing more value than it possesses itself. It is this difference between the value of labor, on the one hand, and the value produced by that labor, on the other, that the capitalist has in mind when he purchases the labor power (I, Ch. 7, p. 4). The capitalist pays the wage; this is the paid portion of the worker's labor-power. The remainder is the unpaid portion: the portion of the value produced by labor-power which the capitalist keeps for himself -- surplus value. Surplus value is the unpaid value of labor-power, and the unpaid value of labor-power is surplus value. This unpaid value of labor, or surplus value is capital, that history monetary phenomena after which Marx named his most important work. Capital creates surplus value when it is used to purchase labor-power and other inputs to produce commodities for the market. "Through capital surplus-value is made, and from surplus-value more capital." (I, 26, p. 1) Capital assumes its earth-changing character when it is used to consume more labor and more natural materials to create more commodities for the market, and thenceforth, more capital. Add to this the fact that because of the competitive and individualistic nature of capitalism, each capitalist must make more money than each other just to keep up. Thus capitalist exploitation and accumulation of wealth begins to snowball, as time goes on, and the gap between the rich and the poor continues to widen. --- from list marxism-international-AT-lists.village.virginia.edu ---
Display software: ArchTracker © Malgosia Askanas, 2000-2005