Date: Fri, 2 Jan 1998 11:53:10 -0600 (CST) From: Jose Guillermo Soto Perez <gsoto-AT-fcfm.buap.mx> Subject: M-NEWS: [AFIB] Massacre in Chiapas (fwd) ---------- Forwarded message ---------- Date: Tue, 30 Dec 1997 10:20:00 -0800 (PST) From: Tom Burghardt <tburghardt-AT-igc.org> Subject: [AFIB] Massacre in Chiapas ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||| ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||| ||| ||| ||| A N T I F A ||| ||| ||| ||| I N F O - B U L L E T I N ||| ||| _____ ||| ||| ||| ||| * News * Analysis * Research * Action * ||| ||| ||| ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||| ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||| ***** ||/\|/\|/\|/\|/\|/\|/\|/\|/\|/\|/\|/\|/\|/\|/\|/\|/\|/\|/\||/\|| || * -- SPECIAL -- * December 30, 1997 * -- EDITION -- * || ||\/|\/|\/|\/|\/|\/|\/|\/|\/|\/|\/|\/|\/|\/|\/|\/|\/|\/|\/||\/|| * SPECIAL EDITION * * * * _________________________________________________________________ MASSACRE IN CHIAPAS _________________________________________________________________ CONTENTS ------ 1. (FZLN) ZAPATISTA FRONT OF NATIONAL LIBERATION: Massacre in Chenalho 2. (LAC) `LAS ABEJAS' OF CHENALHO, CHIAPAS: A Tragic Christmas for Us 3. (LJ) LA JORNADA: Who Are the Paramilitaries? 4. (GE) GLOBAL EXCHANGE: Massacre Exposes Low-Intensity War 5. (NAPE) NUEVO AMANECER PRESS - EUROPA: Clinton's `Interference' in Mexico - From Wounded Knee to Chiapas * * * Counterorganization often involved the more reactionary social sectors that felt threatened by the insurgency (or by the social, racial, or religious group identified with the insurgency) and needed little encouragement to exercise violence against their social adversaries. In numerous counterinsurgency states, the composition of the counterorganizations -- the political groups, local elites, religious or ethnic minorities who took on special tasks and powers -- served to exacerbate the violence of government operations. Counterorganization could serve to ignite simmering passions of class, race, religion or ideology, and turn the energies released to counterinsurgent purpose (with the consequent intercommunal violence sometimes spinning out of control). The combination of counterterror with counterorganization could result in enormous levels of violence. Michael McClintock, "Instruments of Statecraft: U.S. Guerrilla Warfare, Counter-Insurgency, Counter-Terrorism, 1940-1990," New York, 1992, Pantheon Books, pp. 255-256 * * * * ZAPATISTA FRONT OF NATIONAL LIBERATION * Web: http://www.peak.org/~joshua/fzln/massacre.html - Monday, 29 December 1997 - ----- _________________________________________________________________ MASSACRE IN CHENALHO _________________________________________________________________ * Shortly before noon on Monday, December 22, a group of 60-70 members of a PRI-backed paramilitary group descended upon the Tzotzil village of Acteal, in the highland Chiapas municipality of Chenalho, where hundreds of displaced Zapatista supporters and members of the peaceful civilian organization known as "Las Abejas" had taken refuge. The attackers were armed with AK-47 rifles and expanding hollow-tip bullets -- weapons which they could only have obtained from military or police sources. They opened fire on the village as many of its inhabitants where attending church services and praying for peace and reconciliation in the municipality. The slaughter continued as hundreds of people ran toward a nearby river in a vain effort to escape. 45 people are now confirmed dead (21 women, 14 children, one infant, and 9 men), and at least 25 others have been wounded. The bloodbath lasted five hours, during which time the Public Security police stood by -- some no more than 200 meters away -- and refused to intervene. Since the massacre, President Zedillo has said the security of Chiapas, as well as the "investigation" into the "incident" will be the responsibility of the federal government. Perhaps as a sign of this new responsibility, the federal army has declared itself on "maximum alert", and troop units from the states of Yucatan and Campeche have been moved into the southeastern jungle zone of Chiapas. While Jacinto Arias Cruz (the mayor of Chenalho and a known paramilitary leader) and 23 of his followers have now been formally charged with murder for their participation in the massacre, the government appears to be orchestrating a careful cover-up of the involvement of higher officials at both the state and national levels, and now insists that the massacre was the result of a "local feud between three families dating back sixty years", rather than an action taken by a government-sponsored paramilitary organization committing mass murder in order to destroy the Zapatista bases of support. Meanwhile, close to 4,000 indigenous civilians in Chenalho have fled to the rebel community of Polho in just the last few days, out of fears that they, too, would be killed if they remained in their homes. The importance and urgency of this situation cannot be underestimated. Send letters, phone calls, and faxes of protest demanding the dissolution of powers in the state of Chiapas to: Lic. Ernesto Zedillo Ponce de Leon Presidente de la Republica Palacio Nacional: C.P. 06067, Mexico, D.F. Fax: int-52-5-516-5762 / 515-4783 email: webadmon-AT-op.presidencia.gob.mx Emilio Chuayffet Chemor Secretario de Gobernacion Bucareli 99, 1er piso Col. Juarez C.P. 06699 Mexico, D.F. Fax: int-52-5- 546-5350 Jorge Madrazo Cuellar Procuradura General de la Republica Paseo de la Reforma No. 75 Col. Guerrero C.P. 06300 Mexico, D.F. Fax: int-52-5-626-4419 ***** * `LAS ABEJAS' OF CHENALHO * http://www.peak.org/~joshua/fzln/abejas971223.html - Tuesday, 23 December 1997 ----- _________________________________________________________________ A TRAGIC CHRISTMAS FOR US _________________________________________________________________ * San Pedro Chenalho, Chiapas TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF MEXICO: TO THE MEXICAN PEOPLE: TO NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL SOLIDARITY: We, the civil society "Las Abejas" of Chenalho, Chiapas, denounce the violent acts which occurred yesterday, the 22nd of December 1997, while we were in prayer adoring and requesting to God that the problems we have been suffering these past months in the municipality of Chenalho would calm down; we are members of a civil society that seeks peace and tranquility for all. We have always stood up against the use of weapons. However, on that day our members were massacred without pity at the hands of murderous pri-istas. What have we done to deserve that our women, our children and our men be killed? What have our children done that they deserve to be massacred with high-power weapons? We of the civil society "Las Abejas" demand the imprisonment and a lifetime sentence to all the assassins in this crime, that the government doesn't turn a blind-eye and continue pronouncing that there is no low-intensity war going on in Chiapas. We demand that the appropriate authorities punish the intellectual authors of this crime. If the government is so afraid of losing power, it should try to maintain it fairly; and not by way of paramilitary groups and the formation of death squads to terrorize the people of the region. If these killers are so eager for war, they should confront people who could at least defend themselves. We, the members of civil society, who have only searched for peace and justice, are a group of people which has struggled for five years as an organized civil society. We do not use weapons, but they kill us with weapons. We demand the removal of the following persons as being directly or indirectly involved as intellectual authors of this massacre: 1. Julio Cesar Ruiz Ferro, the current, imposed State Governor, for being indirectly responsable for the massacre of innocent people in the state, because he has not listened to our demands. We request that he be punished and that he be put in jail, as any other course of action would be inconcievable with so many innocent people already dead in the North, in the Highlands, and in the Coast -- all regions in the state of Chiapas. 2. Jacinto Arias Cruz, substituted Municipal President of Chenalho, Chiapas, and his City Council, whose activities include the trafficking of weapons, and who spend their efforts supporting and paying the paramilitary guardias blancas; therefore, as residents of Chenalho, we demand their removal and punishment. 3. We, as a people, demand that Uriel Jarquin, the Undersecretary of the Government, be punished because he is responsible for directing the police force that is killing us, the indigenous people. 4. We demand that the Secretary of State, Homero Tovilla Cristiani, be put in jail because he is responsible for the police who are training and supporting the paramilitary forces. And we demand punishment for the murderous pri-istas and cardenistas that live in the communities of Los Chorros, La Esperanza, Kanolal and Tzanembolom, Chimix, Acteal, and Colonia Puebla, all in the municipality of Chenalho, Chiapas. We denounce that in the community of Los Chorros there exists a training camp, where these assassins receive their orders to exterminate the Civil Society: men, women and children, who are sympathetic to the EZLN and the Autonomous Municipality of Polho. WE ALL HAVE TO DEMAND JUSTICE NOW, AT A LATER DATE IT WILL ONLY BE MORE DIFFICULT. ENOUGH IS ENOUGH WITH THE DEATH, POVERTY AND REPRESSION! PUNISHMENT FOR JULIO CESAR RUIZ FERRO, URIEL JARQUIN AND HOMERO TOVILLA CRISTAINI! FOR THIS WE REQUEST EVERYONE'S SUPPORT; OTHERWISE, IT A SHAME FOR MEXICO THAT OUR GOVERNMENT CONTINUES TO BE RUN BY ASSASSINS. WE BELIEVE THAT THIS SITUATION CAN NO LONGER BE PERMITTED. SINCERELY, THE CIVIL SOCIETY "LAS ABEJAS" OF CHENALHO, CHIAPAS ***** http://www.ezln.org/news/paramilitaries971223-eng.html ----- _________________________________________________________________ WHO ARE THE `PARAMILITARIES'? _________________________________________________________________ La Jornada Tuesday, December 23, 1997 By Andres Aubry and Angelica Inda Translation: Duane Ediger * The conflict in Chiapas has given anthropologists a new task: to identify a new societal subject, the protagonist of violence, which arose first in Chiapas' northern zone, then spread to the highlands and canyonlands. A methodical inventory found different levels of "paramilitary" activity among five of Chiapas' nine indigenous ethnic groups: the Chol, Tzotzil, Tzeltal, with some activity among the Tojolabal, and timid beginnings among the Zoque. In Chenalho alone, 17 townships are affected: one-third of the villages and half the population. The scope of the phenomenon, as well as its ravages and number of victims, point to its need for study under disciplined methods. By historical precedent, they were called first pistoleros (gunmen) or guardias blancas (white guards), for the wounds they have wrought in the collective memory of Chiapas. Though these are still present, the media began calling some paramilitaries to differentiate them from the former (agents from outside the communities, whereas the newer paramilitaries came from within them), because they act in an ambiguous and undeclared relation with the police, military and government, and they intervene with their own arms. Despite repeated shows of proof to the contrary, the state has denied the existence of paramilitaries, arguing that some local congress people and public opinion shapers refused to believe. For lack of a better term, and out of respect for the authorities, we will continue to name them after the fashion of the media, but in quotation marks. Who are the "paramilitaries"? They appear almost exclusively among young people frustrated by rural authorities. In the 17 townships of the municipality of Chenalho in which we were able to document the existence of 246 of them, rural inertia combined with population growth provides neither land nor work, not even farm work, to the young people who reach the age of membership in an ejido. (An ejido is a communally held and worked parcel of land; it also refers to the land holders.) Married and the heads of their households, they find themselves in the same situation as their parents: unable to find work, surviving by miracle or by stealing land and harvests. Obligated to live as delinquents, they not only lack a subsistence, but also have no reason to attend the assemblies and for that reason they are excluded from decisions made by the ejido which considers them pariahs. First conclusion: these criminals are products of the system and of their economic, agrarian and labor options. Immediately "paramilitarization" offers them a way out and prestige. The way out is first the heavy war tax they levy (25 pesos, or US$3, biweekly per permanent adult, or a one-time payment of 375 pesos, or US$47, per person for those who don't pay the 25 pesos biweekly), which gives them an income; secondly, the booty of animals, harvested crops and domestic goods (including automobiles); these in turn legitimize the humiliating theft of corn, coffee and poultry. The weapons--and these are not light arms--bring prestige and confer upon them power and status unlike they or their landless parents have ever known. Because they have led an itinerant life looking for work, and have not been ejido members, they never had the civic education afforded through periodic assemblies in which the collective destinies of villages, townships and municipalities are decided, and they escaped all communal responsibility. For this reason, the "paramilitaries" have no social or political project. They make no proclamations; they simply impose themselves. The only masters they have had are the monitors of their military training, a condition they must meet in order to acquire the arms they carry. Their mentors, whether in encampments or on patrols, conduct themselves in a way very similar to the Kaibiles of Guatemala. They can be seen at their checkpoints, clearly affected by drug use. Their way of talking and carrying themselves betrays the fascistic nature of their formation. What is their aim? Why do they operate only within the close boundaries of the zone of influence within which they enjoy perfect impunity? The reason is strategic, and they themselves are probably unaware of it, for they would not exist were it not for the manipulation of a hidden Director. The villages that fill the local news form a wedge between the four contiguous municipalities of Chenalho, Pantelho, Cancuc and Tenajapa. The warning signs that mark the training area of the group MIRA reveal the same tactical option: these "paramilitaries" are based at the convergence of the four municipalities of Huixtan, Chanal, Oxchuc, and Cancuc, anticipating an eventual bridge to the paramilitaries of Chenalho. The commanders of the Paz y Justicia group, near El Limar, control the five Chol Indian municipalities and the entrances to Amatan, Huitiupan, Simojovel, El Bosque, and Chilon (via the Chinchulines of Bachajon). Taken together, they dominate the public policy space in nearly all of the municipalities administered by SEAPI (State Secretariat for Attention to Indigenous Peoples). The objective of all of them is to dismantle any and all--unarmed--opposition bases of support. After the military offensive of February 9, 1995, one of the military tactics denounced by the observer missions was the destruction of productive installations, crops and even farm implements to take away the dissidents' future. The "paramilitary" tactics employed in Chenalho are the same. The operations began when the coffee was near ready to harvest, in a year when the price was high. Like flies shooed away, productive farmers were expelled en masse. Like undesirables getting the rug pulled out from under them, the indigenous of Chiapas' are robbed of their future. Andres Aubry and Angelica Inda are sociologists and historians living in San Cristobal de las Casas, Chiapas, Mexico. Duane Ediger is a resident of Dallas and a frequent traveler to Mexico. ***** * GLOBAL EXCHANGE * 2017 Mission St., Rm. 303 San Francisco, CA 94110 Tel: 415.255.7296 Fax: 415.255.7498 Web: http://www.globalexchange.org - Wednesday, 24 December 1997 - ----- _________________________________________________________________ MASSACRE EXPOSES LOW INTENSITY WAR _________________________________________________________________ By Michael McCaughan, Irish freelance journalist based in Chiapas Tel-1-707-5233701 Source: PeaceNet in igc:reg.mexico Sent by Global Exchange * Last Monday's massacre in Aj'teal, Chiapas, which left 45 dead and 20 wounded, had been announced and anticipated for months. Mexico has seen marches, US delegations, local pleas and testimonies by the walking wounded sleeping under plastic sheets without blankets or food. But it wasn't enough. The local Indian people denounced the exaggerated militarisation of Indian villages in Chiapas and the proven links between armed paramilitaries and the ruling Institutional Revolutionary party, (PRI). Last Sunday Mexico's daily paper 'La Jornada' published a document signed by state governor Julio Cesar Ruiz Ferro, confirming the handover of US $450,000 to 'Paz y Justicia,' a PRI-linked paramilitary group. The alarm bells sounded but Chiapas governor Ruiz Ferro simply denied the existence of any paramilitary groups and carried on with business as usual. Last Monday morning however the illusion was shattered. Between 11am and 3pm, 60 armed men surrounded hundreds of refugees huddled under a plastic tarp in Aj'teal, north Chiapas, mercilessly cutting down the defenseless displaced people. The refugees had fled their homes after threats by paramilitaries with names like Red mask and Anti-Zapatista Revolutionary Movement, who have spread fear and violence through the Chenalho municipality. The rise of the armed groups coincided with the growing influence of Zapatista supporters who have successfully installed an autonomous ruling assembly in the area. In Chenalho like all Chiapas villages there was only one political party until 1994, the PRI, which won upward of 100% of votes in local and national elections. Once the local officials delivered the votes to the PRI, the villages remained at peace. After 1994 however, villagers openly supported the demands of the Zapatista National Liberation Army, (EZLN) and in last year's municipal vote, 63.2% of Chenalho's villagers cast a vote for Zapatista-linked candidates. The defeated PRI 'caciques' (local political bosses) sought help from security forces to prevent the Zapatistas from gaining further ground, hence the threats, burned-out homes and 4,500 displaced people. The state governor Julio Ruiz Ferro denied the existence of the paramilitaries, inserting large paid advertisements in the national press, announcing the return of displaced people and financial aid to rebuild homes and replace lost possessions. Just a week ago this journalist visited Chenalh'o municipality to witness the living conditions of Chiapas' displaced. Across a mist-filled muddy hillside close to Polh'o, in the municipality of Chenalho, there were 23 families, 106 men, women and children, living under a leaky tarp sustained by six wooden poles. The coughs and sneezes of the children announced the camp, where the local Zapatista-led council opened the village doors to the refugees, but had no food, blankets or shelter to offer. The bloody massacre, painfully reminiscent of Central America and Colombian wars, is a wake-up call to Mexico's complacent ruling party. There will be loud condemnation by Mexican president Ernesto Zedillo, by state officials, opposition parties, church representatives and the press. But the structures which led to the creation of the irregular Rambos will remain untouched. The key factor in sustaining those paramilitaries is the impunity of armed forces and PRI-linked officials. On January 7th 1994, hundreds of troops occupied the village of Morelia, inside the conflict zone, looking for Zapatistas. Three elderly men were tortured, disappeared and killed. In June 1994 three Tzeltal women were raped by a dozen soldiers at an army roadblock outside Altamirano. Not a single soldier has been prosecuted. In sharp contrast, one soldier who is safely behind bars is General Felix Gallardo, imprisoned after his public call to create an army ombudsman. The Chiapas scenario has been played out in Colombia, where paramilitaries were first trained by the army, financed by landowners and acknowledged by no one. Then came the first deaths, bringing horror, condemnation and eventually resignation. The paramilitaries are a frankenstein with a life of their own now and some 20,000 would-be Rambos are sowing death and destruction in Colombia's tortured countryside. In the past month the deaths in Colombia have become football scores, one day 15 dead, 14 the next, then 23 then 30, a grisly necro-statistical count. When the international outcry became too loud, Colombian authorities located and detained a renowned paramilitary leader within 48 hours, despite years of denial of their very existence. The only way to end the violence in Chiapas is to resolve the deep-rooted causes which gave rise to the 1994 rebellion. The first step has already been taken, in January 1996, with the signing of the San Andres peace accord on 'Indigenous Culture and Rights,' but the government has blocked all attempts to implement the accord. The US public and the Bill Clinton administration have considerable influence over Mexican affairs and should act now to prevent further bloodshed. ***** * NUEVO AMANECER PRESS - EUROPA * E-mail: dwood-AT-encomix.es - Sunday, 28 December 1997 - ----- _________________________________________________________________ CLINTON'S `INTERFERENCE' IN MEXICO FROM WOUNDED KNEE TO CHIAPAS _________________________________________________________________ By Darrin Wood, Director NAP-Europa * According to the Mexican Secretary of Foreign Relations, US President Bill Clinton has just "interfered in Mexican internal affairs" by demanding an exhaustive investigation into the massacre which recently occurred in Chenalho, in the Mexican state of Chiapas. Since Clinton wants an investigation and the government of Ernesto Zedillo doesn't want anyone on the outside looking into how Mexico murders its Indians, we at Nuevo Amanecer Press - Europa have come up with a handy solution for both of them. Why doesn't someone order an investigation into US Military "interference" in Mexico? Last year, the US Army Special Forces began a massive training program of Mexican Special Forces (GAFE - Airborne Special Forces Groups). From fiscal year 1996 until fiscal year 1997 around 3,200 Mexican soldiers will receive training in Fort Bragg, North Carolina, by the Green Berets' 7th Special Forces Group (the same ones who brought you all those "democratic freedom fighting" human rights abuses in Honduras and El Salvador in the 1980's). The program allegedly forms part of the "War on Drugs" led by ex-SOUTHCOM head honcho Barry McCaffrey. Sounds nice but... The Mexican news agency APRO reported on December 25th that "An important detachment, composed of members of the [Mexican Army] Airborne Special Forces Groups (GAFE) was sent to the community of Acteal, in the municipality of Chenalho, where this past Monday "a paramilitary group linked to the PRI" carried out the biggest massacre in recent years in Chiapas, leaving a total of 46 dead and 25 wounded, the majority being women and children. The soldiers of the GAFE, experts in counterinsurgency and specialized in operating in rough terrain as can be found in Chiapas, immediately set up three roadblocks on the highway that leads from the Chenalho to Acteal in order to meticulously search all vehicles which passed through the troubled area." Oddly enough, on December 26th, the Mexican daily LA JORNADA published an article on a recent operation of the GAFE in the state of Jalisco where more than a dozen young men were kidnapped and tortured. One of the youths, Salvador Lopez Jimenez, died as a result of this "Special Forces" action. LA JORNADA states that "The judge of this jurisdiction has ordered that charges be brought against Lieutenant Colonel Julian Guerrero Barrios and Captain Rogelio Solis Aguilar, who are accused of the crime of violence against the people, as authors of homicide." The article states that 15 other soldiers will be charged in the cover-up but no names were given. Nuevo Amanecer Press - Europa has been able to confirm that Lt. Col. Julian Guerrero Barrios is a graduate of the US Army's School of the Americas - SOA, which he attended in 1981 in a course titled "Commando Operations". Time to add another photo in the SOA's "Hall of Fame". We do not know yet how many other of those charged have received training recently at Fort Bragg. We also wish to point out at this time that the mastermind behind Mexico's counterinsurgency strategy in Chiapas, General Mario Renan Castillo Fernandez, has received instruction at Fort Bragg as well. The general, now the ex-commander of the Mexican Army's 7th Military Region in Chiapas, has recently been pointed out as having served as an "Honorary Witness" at a ceremony where the state government of Chiapas handed over half a million dollars to the paramilitary group "Paz y Justicia". We find it odd that the two biggest recipients of US military aid in Latin America, Colombia and Mexico, are also the two Latin American countries with the greatest number of massacres carried out by paramilitary organizations connected to their respective armed forces. Therefore, we demand an investigation to find out if the use of paramilitary organizations form an active part of US counterinsurgency doctrine. We have several questions that need to be answered: 1. Is the financing and training of paramilitary - terrorist groups in Latin America currently being taught at the School of the Americas or at Fort Bragg? If not, has it been done in the past? 2. According to a September 1997 report on Mexico from drug Czar Barry McCaffrey, the recent "gifts" of Huey helicopters to that country are supposed to be used by the Special Forces of the GAFE for fighting the war on drugs. Are any of those helicopters now being used in counterinsurgency operations by the GAFE in Chiapas? 3. According to the Mexican press, on December 9th, two FBI agents were in the state of Oaxaca giving instruction in the "management of crisis and kidnappings" to police from Chiapas, Guerrero and Oaxaca (as well as other troubled states). One article on the course quoted a US Embassy official as saying that police forces "have the right to use necessary force" to protect society. This person also defined "crisis management" as being confrontations between police and military forces with groups that "disagree with society", further stating that guerrilla organizations fall into that definition. Does the action of the Chiapas police in Chenalho, just two weeks after their FBI course, fall into the US idea of "crisis management"? It is time for a serious investigation, not empty protests meant for internal consumption. It is impossible to take the Zedillo government's protests of "interference in Mexican internal affairs" seriously while he blindly obeys economic policies dictated by the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank and Wall Street which kill thousands of Indigenous and poor Mexican citizens every year through hunger, malnutrition and curable illnesses. In fact he is more than happy to obey foreign economic interference. He only becomes angered when people protest because the killing is being done by bullets and not banks. The protests concerning the massacre in Chenalho by US president Bill Clinton are also hard to swallow given that it is the US which is supplying all the weapons and training for the bloody counterinsurgency campaign currently being waged by the Mexican Army in Chiapas, as well as other states. The same atrocities have been carried out recently in Colombia and the US government has just responded by approving an even bigger military aid package for counterinsurgency in Colombia. The message seems to be that if Mexico keeps on killing its Indians, they too can expect to receive more aid. We demand an investigation! Tomorrow, December 29th, marks the 107th anniversary of the bloody massacre Indian men, women, and children carried out by the US Army at Wounded Knee, South Dakota. It would mark a perfect opportunity to reflect on the latest massacre of Native people in the Americas. Source: The A-Infos News Service Web: http://www.tao.ca/ainfos/ 29 December 1997 * * * _________________________________________________________________ ** NOTICE: In accordance with Title 17 U.S.C. section 107, material appearing in Antifa Info-Bulletin is distributed without profit to those who have expressed a prior interest in receiving this information for research and educational purposes. Submissions are welcome. ** _________________________________________________________________ * * * ANTIFA INFO-BULLETIN (AFIB) 750 La Playa # 730 San Francisco, California 94121 E-Mail: tburghardt-AT-igc.org * On PeaceNet visit ANTIFA INFO-BULLETIN on pol.right.antifa or by gopher --> gopher://gopher.igc.apc.org:7021/11/europe Via the Web --> http://burn.ucsd.edu/~aff/afib.html * ANTI-FASCIST FORUM (AFF) Antifa Info-Bulletin is a member of the Anti-Fascist Forum network. AFF is an info-group which collects and disseminates information, research and analysis on fascist activity and anti-fascist resistance. More info: E-mail: aff-AT-burn.ucsd.edu Web: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~aff +:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+ +: A N T I F A I N F O - B U L L E T I N +: :+ :+ +: NEWS * ANALYSIS * RESEARCH * ACTION +: :+ :+ +: RESISTING FASCISM * BY ALL MEANS NECESSARY! +: +:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+ ++++ stop the execution of Mumia Abu-Jamal ++++ ++++ if you agree copy these 3 sentences in your own sig ++++ ++++ see: http://www.xs4all.nl/~tank/spg-l/sigaction.htm ++++
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