Date: Tue, 23 Sep 1997 02:31:44 +1000 From: Rob Schaap <rws-AT-comserver.canberra.edu.au> Subject: M-TH: Habermas and Marxism G'day Thaxists, I'm too tired to drive home just now, so I think I'll blather on about Habermas whether you're interested or not. After all, any bloke who causes a generation of pomos as much discomfort as this bloke has can't be all bad. First things first (oh yes, I'm gonna have more to say about Habermas later) - and this is the bit I'd really like someone to take an interest in. How Marxist is Habermas? Well, Habermas is a fair-dinkum Frankfurter. He is first and foremost a philosopher (I banged on about this a couple of days ago), and joins his forebears in framing capitalism and 'orthodox' marxism (in this context, I take this to mean vulgar scientistic marxism in its Stalinist incarnation) as the salient pathology of modernity. For Habermas, Marx the philosopher is forgotten or misunderstood and, given the apparent stability of post-war capitalism and the last gasps of Stalinism in the world, we might best be served to resume our critiques at the level of philosophy. Time, in other words, for a bit of 'ruthless criticism'. For this, Habermas turns to analytic philosophy and an effort to construct as comprehensive an account of rationality as can withstand assault (of which French irrationalism has provided plenty). One step he takes in this grand undertaking is to distinguish between 'work' and 'interaction'. He does this to ground a logically subsequent distinction between 'instrumental action' (as in 'work' - where resides the instrumental rationality that Frankfurters believe has become so dominant as to exhaust our current self-definition) and communicative action (as in 'interaction' - 'subject' acting with and among 'subjects' rather than upon 'object/s'). This hurts, as it involves, it seems, the equation of 'work' with Marx's foundational notion of 'labour' and therefore, via the notion of 'interaction', a new category that seems to be independent of what Marxists would call history. Habermas needs to do this because he is a Frankfurter at bottom and sees in the development of the forces of production something orthodox Marxists do not see. Where most of us see an inevitable structural crisis built into a dynamic by which those forces must one day come into internally insoluble conflict with relations of production (because for us 'labour' is a contradictory unity constituted by both forces and relations, or 'interactions', of production), Habermas sees the creeping ascendancy of a narrow technocratic way of seeing: with 'the expansion of the rational form of science and technology ... to the proportions of a life form, of the "historical totality" of a life world', science and technology become ideology. Back to Adorno, Horkheimer and Marcuse, eh? Anyway, the beauty of an independent 'interaction' category is that it offers an escape hatch for those convinced by Habermas's pessimistic forebears. In positing a rationality (ie. 'communicative') that is logically independent (if historically fragile), Habermas is suggesting we need look for or try to construct real or virtual spaces as undistorted by differential power as possible. 'There', we can pursue our emancipation by recognising in language (any language) something that exists precisely so that the mutual understanding upon which we social creatures depend can come about. As mutual understanding alone, dependent on historically embedded norms as it is, is insufficient to uncover 'ideology' (meant, I think, as Gramsci meant 'hegemony'), we must learn from the tradition of psychoanalysis and assume the posture of subjects in need of a transforming confrontation with the hitherto hidden causes of our neuroses. Yep, it seems we're back to Marcuse's *Eros*. A book I enjoyed but never found convincing - because Freud just doesn't do it for me, I guess. Anyway, back to communication and language. To quote Habermas: 'The human interest in autonomy and responsibility is not mere fancy, for it can be apprehended *a priori*. What raises us out of nature is the only thing whose nature we can know: language. Through its structure, autonomy and responsibility are posited for us. Our first sentence expresses unequivocally the intention of universal and unconstrained consensus.' Well, now I'm too tired not to drive home. Soon, I'll try to develop this a little, to get towards Bill Cochrane's ideas about censorship. In closing, I think Habermas has to confont two reasonable questions in light of the above. 1) How much damage does his separation of work and interaction do to a coherent socialist politics? (Therborn, for instance, went ballistic about this, claiming (a) that the move was generated by the moot ideas that historical materialism had been falsified by post-war experience, that there is no longer a proletariat worth the name, and that 'therefore' all that is left of Marxism is his earlier philosophical musing, and (b) that Habermas's communicative turn is basically just so much idealism (both the problems and solutions of politics existing at the level of 'the idea'.) 2) Can we know the nature of language (in a universalist sense)? If so, what's wrong with asserting that we can know the nature of capitalism? Perhaps thus: Our first exchange expresses unequivocally the intention of universal and unconstrained accumulation ... If you're still reading, ta very much. If I'm going over very old ground for you, sorry. G'Night, Rob. PS I paraphrased the more coherent parts of all this from a beaut new book by a mate of mine at the ANU, David West (*An Introduction to Continental Philosophy*. 1996. Polity: Cambridge UK.) It's yours for the price of half a dozen pints of Fullers Extra Special Bitter (I don't know how many Budweisers that represents). Save yourselves a hangover. ************************************************************************ Rob Schaap, Lecturer in Communication, University of Canberra, Australia. Phone: 02-6201 2194 (BH) Fax: 02-6201 5119 ************************************************************************ 'It is questionable if all the mechanical inventions yet made have lightened the day's toil of any human being.' (John Stuart Mill) "The separation of public works from the state, and their migration into the domain of the works undertaken by capital itself, indicates the degree to which the real community has constituted itself in the form of capital." (Karl Marx) ************************************************************************ --- from list marxism-thaxis-AT-lists.village.virginia.edu ---
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