From: "jurriaan bendien" <Jbendien-AT-globalxs.nl> Subject: M-TH: Re: the American Gulag Date: Wed, 24 Dec 1997 12:38:27 +0100 > ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||| > ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||| > ||| ||| > ||| A N T I F A ||| > ||| ||| > ||| I N F O - B U L L E T I N ||| > ||| _____ ||| > ||| ||| > ||| * News * Analysis * Research * Action * ||| > ||| ||| > ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||| > ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||| > > ***** > >||/\|/\|/\|/\|/\|/\|/\|/\|/\|/\|/\|/\|/\|/\|/\|/\|/\|/\|/\||/\|| >|| * -- RESEARCH -- * December 23, 1997 * -- RESEARCH -- * || >||\/|\/|\/|\/|\/|\/|\/|\/|\/|\/|\/|\/|\/|\/|\/|\/|\/|\/|\/||\/|| > > RESEARCH SUPPLEMENT > _____ >_________________________________________________________________ > > THE PRISON-INDUSTRIAL COMPLEX & THE GLOBAL ECONOMY >_________________________________________________________________ > > * * * > > * PRISON ACTIVIST RESOURCE CENTER * > P.O. Box 339 > Berkeley, CA 94701 > Tel: 510-845-8813 > Fax: 510-845-8816 > E-mail: parcer-AT-igc.org > Web: http://www.igc.org/prisons > - Thursday, 18 December 1997 - > > ----- >_________________________________________________________________ > > THE PRISON-INDUSTRIAL COMPLEX AND THE GLOBAL ECONOMY >_________________________________________________________________ > > By Eve Goldberg and Linda Evans > > * > > Over 1.8 million people are currently behind bars in the >United States. This represents the highest per capita >incarceration rate in the history of the world. In 1995 alone, >150 new U.S. prisons were built and filled. > > This monumental commitment to lock up a sizeable percentage >of the population is an integral part of the globalization of >capital. Several strands converged at the end of the Cold War, >changing relations between labor and capital on an international >scale: domestic economic decline, racism, the U.S. role as >policeman of the world, and growth of the international drug >economy in creating a booming prison/industrial complex. And the >prison industrial complex is rapidly becoming an essential >component of the U.S. economy. > > >PRISONS ARE BIG BUSINESS > > Like the military/industrial complex, the prison industrial >complex is an interweaving of private business and government >interests. Its twofold purpose is profit and social control. Its >public rationale is the fight against crime. > > Not so long ago, communism was "the enemy" and communists >were demonized as a way of justifying gargantuan military >expenditures. Now, fear of crime and the demonization of >criminals serve a similar ideological purpose: to justify the use >of tax dollars for the repression and incarceration of a growing >percentage of our population. The omnipresent media blitz about >serial killers, missing children, and "random violence" feeds our >fear. In reality, however, most of the "criminals" we lock up are >poor people who commit nonviolent crimes out of economic need. >Violence occurs in less than 14% of all reported crime, and >injuries occur in just 3%. In California, the top three charges >for those entering prison are: possession of a controlled >substance, possession of a controlled substance for sale, and >robbery. Violent crimes like murder, rape, manslaughter and >kidnaping don't even make the top ten. > > Like fear of communism during the Cold War, fear of crime is >a great selling tool for a dubious product. > > As with the building and maintenance of weapons and armies, >the building and maintenance of prisons are big business. >Investment houses, construction companies, architects, and >support services such as food, medical, transportation and >furniture, all stand to profit by prison expansion. A burgeoning >"specialty item" industry sells fencing, handcuffs, drug >detectors, protective vests, and other security devices to >prisons. > > As the Cold War winds down and the Crime War heats up, >defense industry giants like Westinghouse are re-tooling and >lobbying Washington for their share of the domestic law >enforcement market. "Night Enforcer" goggle used in the Gulf War, >electronic "Hot Wire" fencing ("so hot NATO chose it for high- >risk installations"), and other equipment once used by the >military, are now being marketed to the criminal justice system. > > Communication companies like AT&T, Sprint, and MCI are >getting into the act as well, gouging prisoners with exorbitant >phone calling rates, often six times the normal long distance >charge. Smaller firms like Correctional Communications Corp., >dedicated solely to the prison phone business, provide >computerized prison phone systems, fully equipped for systematic >surveillance. They win government contracts by offering to "kick >back" some of the profits to the government agency awarding the >contract. These companies are reaping huge profits at the expense >of prisoners and their families; prisoners are often effectively >cut off from communication due to the excessive cost of phone >calls. > > One of the fastest growing sectors of the prison industrial >complex is private corrections companies. Investment firm Smith >Barney is a part owner of a prison in Florida. American Express >and General Electric have invested in private prison construction >in Oklahoma and Tennessee. Correctional Corporation Of America, >one of the largest private prison owners, already operates >internationally, with more than 48 facilities in 11 states, >Puerto Rico, the United Kingdom, and Australia. Under contract by >government to run jails and prisons, and paid a fixed sum per >prisoner, the profit motive mandates that these firms operate as >cheaply and efficiently as possible. This means lower wages for >staff, no unions, and fewer services for prisoners. Private >contracts also mean less public scrutiny. Prison owners are >raking in billions by cutting corners which harm prisoners. >Substandard diets, extreme overcrowding, and abuses by poorly >trained personnel have all been documented and can be expected in >these institutions which are unabashedly about making money. > > Prisons are also a leading rural growth industry. With >traditional agriculture being pushed aside by agribusiness, many >rural American communities are facing hard times. Economically >depressed areas are falling over each other to secure a prison >facility of their own. Prisons are seen as a source of jobs in >construction, local vendors and prison staff, as well as a source >of tax revenues. An average prison has a staff of several hundred >employees and an annual payroll of several million dollars. > > Like any industry, the prison economy needs raw materials. >In this case the raw materials are prisoners. The prison >industrial complex can grow only if more and more people are >incarcerated even if crime rates drop. "Three Strikes" and >mandatory minimums (harsh, fixed sentences without parole) are >two examples of the legal superstructure quickly being put in >place to guarantee that the prison population will grow and grow >and grow. > > >LABOR AND THE FLIGHT OF CAPITAL > > The growth of the prison industrial complex is inextricably >tied to the fortunes of labor. Ever since the onset of the >Reagan-Bush years in 1980, workers in the United States have been >under siege. Aggressive union busting, corporate deregulation, >and especially the flight of capital in search of cheaper labor >markets, have been crucial factors in the downward plight of >American workers. > > One wave of capital flight occurred in the 1970s. >Manufacturing such as textiles in the Northeast moved south to >South Carolina, Tennessee, Alabama non-union states where wages >were low. During the 1980s, many more industries (steel, auto, >etc.) closed up shop, moving on to the "more competitive >atmospheres" of Mexico, Brazil, or Taiwan where wages were a mere >fraction of those in the U.S., and environmental, health and >safety standards were much lower. Most seriously hurt by these >plant closures and layoffs were African-Americans and other >semiskilled workers in urban centers who lost their decent paying >industrial jobs. > > Into the gaping economic hole left by the exodus of jobs >from U.S. cities has rushed another economy: the drug economy. > > >THE WAR ON DRUGS > > The "War on Drugs," launched by President Reagan in the mid- >eighties, has been fought on interlocking international and >domestic fronts. > > At the international level, the war on drugs has been both a >cynical cover-up of U.S. government involvement in the drug >trade, as well as justification for U.S. military intervention >and control in the Third World. > > Over the last 50 years, the primary goal of U.S. foreign >policy (and the military industrial complex) has been to fight >communism and protect corporate interests. To this end, the U.S. >government has, with regularity, formed strategic alliances with >drug dealers throughout the world. At the conclusion of World War >II, the OSS (precursor to the CIA) allied itself with heroin >traders on the docks of Marseille in an effort to wrest power >away from communist dock workers. During the Vietnam war, the CIA >aided the heroin producing Hmong tribesmen in the Golden Triangle >area. In return for cooperation with the U.S. government's war >against the Vietcong and other national liberation forces, the >CIA flew local heroin out of Southeast Asia and into America. >It's no accident that heroin addiction in the U.S. rose >exponentially in the 1960s. > > Nor is it an accident that cocaine began to proliferate in >the United States during the 1980s. Central America is the >strategic halfway point for air travel between Colombia and the >United States. The Contra War against Sandinista Nicaragua, as >well as the war against the national liberation forces in El >Salvador, was largely about control of this critical area. When >Congress cut off support for the Contras, Oliver North and >friends found other ways to fund the Contra re-supply operations, >in part through drug dealing. Planes loaded with arms for the >Contras took off from the southern United States, offloaded their >weapons on private landing strips in Honduras, then loaded up >with cocaine for the return trip. > > A 1996 expose by the San Jose Mercury News documented CIA >involvement in a Nicaraguan drug ring which poured thousands of >kilos of cocaine into Los Angeles' African-American neighborhoods >in the 1980s. Drug boss, Danilo Blandon, now an informant for the >DEA, acknowledged under oath the drugs-for-weapons deals with the >CIA-sponsored Contras. > > U.S. military presence in Central and Latin America has not >stopped drug traffic. But it has influenced aspects of the drug >trade, and is a powerful force of social control in the region. >U.S. military intervention whether in propping up dictators or >squashing peasant uprisings now operates under cover of the >righteous war against drugs and "narco-terrorism." > > In Mexico, for example, U.S. military aid supposedly >earmarked for the drug war is being used to arm Mexican troops in >the southern part of the country. The drug trade, however >(production, transfer, and distribution points) is all in the >north. The "drug war money" is being used primarily to fight >against the Zapatista rebels in the southern state of Chiapas who >are demanding land reform and economic policy changes which are >diametrically opposed to the transnational corporate agenda. > > In the Colombian jungles of Cartagena de Chaira, coca has >become the only viable commercial crop. In 1996, 30,000 farmers >blocked roads and airstrips to prevent crop spraying from >aircraft. The Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) one >of the oldest guerrilla organizations in Latin America, held 60 >government soldiers hostage for nine months, demanding that the >military leave the jungle, that social services be increased, and >that alternative crops be made available to farmers. And given >the notorious involvement of Colombia's highest officials with >the powerful drug cartels, it is not surprising that most U.S. >"drug war" military aid actually goes to fighting the guerrillas. > > One result of the international war on drugs has been the >internationalization of the U.S. prison population. For the most >part, it is the low level "mules" carrying drugs into this >country who are captured and incarcerated in ever-increasing >numbers. At least 25% of inmates in the federal prison system >today will be subject to deportation when their sentences are >completed. > > Here at home, the war on drugs has been a war on poor >people. Particularly poor, urban, African American men and women. >It's well documented that police enforcement of the new, harsh >drug laws have been focused on low-level dealers in communities >of color. Arrests of African-Americans have been about five times >higher than arrests of whites, although whites and African- >Americans use drugs at about the same rate. And, African- >Americans have been imprisoned in numbers even more >disproportionate than their relative arrest rates. It is >estimated that in 1994, on any given day, one out of every 128 >U.S. adults was incarcerated, while one out of every 17 African- >American adult males was incarcerated. > > The differential in sentencing for powder and crack cocaine >is one glaring example of institutionalized racism. About 90% of >crack arrests are of African-Americans, while 75% of powder >cocaine arrests are of whites. Under federal law, it takes only >five grams of crack cocaine to trigger a five-year mandatory >minimum sentence. But it takes 500 grams of powder cocaine 100 >times as much to trigger this same sentence. This flagrant >injustice was highlighted by a 1996 nationwide federal prison >rebellion when Congress refused to enact changes in sentencing >laws that would equalize penalties. > > Statistics show that police repression and mass >incarceration are not curbing the drug trade. Dealers are forced >to move, turf is reshuffled, already vulnerable families are >broken up. But the demand for drugs still exists, as do huge >profits for high-level dealers in this fifty billion dollar >international industry. > > From one point of view, the war on drugs can actually be >seen as a pre-emptive strike. The state's repressive apparatus >working overtime. Put poor people away before they get angry. >Incarcerate those at the bottom, the helpless, the hopeless, >before they demand change. What drugs don't damage (in terms of >intact communities, the ability to take action, to organize) the >war on drugs and mass imprisonment will surely destroy. > > The crackdown on drugs has not stopped drug use. But it has >taken thousands of unemployed (and potentially angry and >rebellious) young men and women off the streets. And it has >created a mushrooming prison population. > > >PRISON LABOR > > An American worker who once upon a time made $8/hour, loses >his job when the company relocates to Thailand where workers are >paid only $2/day. Unemployed, and alienated from a society >indifferent to his needs, he becomes involved in the drug economy >or some other outlawed means of survival. He is arrested, put in >prison, and put to work. His new salary: 22 cents/hour. > > From worker, to unemployed, to criminal, to convict laborer, >the cycle has come full circle. And the only victor is big >business. > > For private business, prison labor is like a pot of gold. No >strikes. No union organizing. No unemployment insurance or >workers' compensation to pay. No language problem, as in a >foreign country. New leviathan prisons are being built with >thousands of eerie acres of factories inside the walls. Prisoners >do data entry for Chevron, make telephone reservations for TWA, >raise hogs, shovel manure, make circuit boards, limousines, >waterbeds, and lingerie for Victoria's Secret. All at a fraction >of the cost of "free labor." > > Prisoners can be forced to work for pennies because they >have no rights. Even the 14th Amendment to the Constitution which >abolished slavery, excludes prisoners from its protections. > > And, more and more, prisons are charging inmates for basic >necessities from medical care, to toilet paper, to use of the law >library. Many states are now charging "room and board." Berks >County jail in Pennsylvania is charging inmates $10 per day to be >there. California has similar legislation pending. So, while >government cannot (yet) actually require inmates to work at >private industry jobs for less than minimum wage, they are forced >to by necessity. Some prison enterprises are state run. Inmates >working at UNICOR (the federal prison industry corporation) make >recycled furniture and work 40 hours a week for about $40 per >month. The Oregon Prison Industries produces a line of "Prison >Blues" blue jeans. An ad in their catalogue shows a handsome >prison inmate saying, "I say we should make bell-bottoms. They >say I've been in here too long." Bizarre, but true. The >promotional tags on the clothes themselves actually tout their >operation as rehabiliation and job training for prisoners, who of >course would never be able to find work in the garment industry >upon release. > > Prison industries are often directly competing with private >industry. Small furniture manufacturers around the country >complain that they are being driven out of business by UNICOR >which pays 23 cents/hour and has the inside track on government >contracts. In another case, U.S. Technologies sold its >electronics plant in Austin, Texas, leaving its 150 workers >unemployed. Six week later, the electronics plant reopened in a >nearby prison. > > >WELCOME TO THE NEW WORLD ORDER > > The proliferation of prisons in the United States is one >piece of a puzzle called the globalization of capital. > > Since the end of the Cold War, capitalism has gone on an >international business offensive. No longer impeded by an >alternative socialist economy or the threat of national >liberation movements supported by the Soviet Union or China, >transnational corporations see the world as their oyster. >Agencies such as the World Trade Organization, World Bank, and >the International Monetary Fund, bolstered by agreements like >NAFTA and GATT are putting more and more power into the hands of >transnational corporations by putting the squeeze on national >governments. The primary mechanism of control is debt. For >decades, developing countries have depended on foreign loans, >resulting in increasing vulnerability to the transnational >corporate strategy for the global economy. Access to >international credit and aid is given only if governments agree >to certain conditions known as "structural adjustment." > > In a nutshell, structural adjustment requires cuts in social >services, privatization of state-run industry, repeal of >agreements with labor about working conditions and minimum wage, >conversion of multiuse farm lands into cash crop agriculture for >export, and the dismantling of trade laws which protect local >economies. Under structural adjustment, police and military >expenditures are the only government spending that is encouraged. >The sovereignty of nations is compromised when, as in the case of >Vietnam, trade sanctions are threatened unless the government >allows Camel cigarettes to litter the countryside with >billboards, or promises to spend millions in the U.S.- >orchestrated crackdown on drugs. > > The basic transnational corporate philosophy is this: the >world is a single market; natural resources are to be exploited; >people are consumers; anything which hinders profit is to be >routed out and destroyed. The results of this philosophy in >action are that while economies are growing, so is poverty, so is >ecological destruction, so are sweatshops and child labor. Across >the globe, wages are plummeting, indigenous people are being >forced off their lands, rivers are becoming industrial dumping >grounds, and forests are being obliterated. Massive regional >starvation and "World Bank riots" are becoming more frequent >throughout the Third World. > > All over the world, more and more people are being forced >into illegal activity for their own survival as traditional >cultures and social structures are destroyed. Inevitably, crime >and imprisonment rates are on the rise. And the United States law >enforcement establishment is in the forefront, domestically and >internationally, in providing state-of-the-art repression. > > Within the United States, structural adjustment (sometimes >known as the Contract With America) takes the form of welfare and >social service cuts, continued massive military spending, and >skyrocketing prison spending. Walk through any poor urban >neighborhood: school systems are crumbling, after school >programs, libraries, parks and drug treatment centers are closed. >But you will see more police stations and more cops. Often, the >only "social service" available to poor young people is jail. > > The dismantling of social programs, and the growing >dominance of the right-wing agenda in U.S. politics has been made >possible, at least in part, by the successful repression of the >civil rights and liberation movements of the 1960s and 70s. Many >of the leaders Martin Luther King Jr., Malcolm X, Fred Hampton, >and many others were assassinated. Others, like Geronimo ji Jaga >Pratt, Leonard Peltier, and Mumia Abu-Jamal, have been locked up. >Over 150 political leaders from the black liberation struggle, >the Puerto Rican independence movement, and other resistence >efforts are still in prison. Many are serving sentences ranging >from 40 to 90 years. Oppressed communities have been robbed of >radical political leadership which might have led an opposition >movement. We are reaping the results. > > The number of people in U.S. prisons has more than tripled >in the past 17 years from 500,000 in 1980 to 1.8 million in 1997. >Today, more than five million people are behind bars, on parole, >probation, or under other supervision by the criminal justice >system. The state of California now spends more on prisons than >on higher education, and over the past decade has built 19 >prisons and only one branch university. > > Add to this, the fact that increasing numbers of women are >being locked up. Between 1980 and 1994, the number of women in >prison increased five-fold, and women now make up the fastest >growing segment of the prison population. Most of these women are >mothers leaving future generations growing up in foster homes or >on the streets. > > Welcome to the New World Order. > > >WHAT IS TO BE DONE? > > Prisons are not reducing crime. But they are fracturing >already vulnerable families and communities. > > Poor people of color are being locked up in grossly >disproportionate numbers, primarily for non violent crimes. But >Americans are not feeling safer. As "criminals" become scapegoats >for our floundering economy and our deteriorating social >structure, even the guise of rehabilitation is quickly >disappearing from our penal philosophy. After all: rehabilitate >for what? To go back into an economy which has no jobs? To go >back into a community which has no hope? As education and other >prison programs are cut back, or in most cases eliminated >altogether, prisons are becoming vast, over-crowded, holding >tanks. Or worse: factories behind bars. > > And, prison labor is undercutting wages, something which >hurts all working and poor Americans. It's a situation which can >only occur because organized labor is divided and weak and has >not kept step with organized capital. > > While capital has globalized, labor has not. While the >transnationals truly are fashioning our planet into a global >village, there is still little communication or cooperation >between workers around the world. Only an internationally linked >labor movement can effectively challenge the power of the >transnational corporations. > > There have been some wonderful, shining instances of >international worker solidarity. In the early 1980s, 3M workers >in South Africa walked out in support of striking 3M workers in >New Jersey. Recently, longshore workers in Denmark, Spain, Sweden >and several other countries closed down ports around the world in >solidarity with striking Liverpool dockers. The company was >forced to negotiate. When Renault closed its plant in Belgium, >100,000 demonstrated in Brussels, pressuring the French and >Belgium governments to condemn the plant closure and compel its >reopening. > > Here in the U.S., there is a glimmer of hope as the AFL-CIO >has voted in some new, more progressive leadership. We'll see how >that shapes up, and whether the last 50 years of anticommunist, >bread-and-butter American unionism is really a thing of the past. > > What is certain is that resistance to the transnational >corporate agenda is growing around the globe: > > In 1996, the people of Bougainville, a small New Guinea >island, organized a secessionist rebellion, protesting the >dislocations and ecological destruction caused by corporate >mining on the island. When the government hired mercenaries from >South Africa to train local troops in counterinsurgency warfare, >the army rebelled, threw out the mercenaries, and deposed the >Prime Minister. > > A one day General Strike shut down Haiti in January 1997. >Strikers demanded the suspension of negotiations between the >Prime Minister and the International Monetary Fund/World Bank. >They protested the austerity measures imposed by the IMF and WB >which would mean laying off 7,000 government workers and the >privatization of the electric and telephone companies. > > In Nigeria, the Ogoni people conducted a protracted eight >year struggle against Shell Oil. Acid rain, and hundreds of oil >spills and gas flares were turning the once fertile countryside >into a near wasteland. Their peaceful demonstrations, election >boycotts, and pleas for international solidarity were met with >violent government repression and the eventual execution of Ogoni >writer-leader Ken Saro Wiwa. > > In France, a month-long General Strike united millions of >workers who protested privatization, a government worker pay >freeze, and cutbacks in social services. Telephone, airline, >power, postal, education, health care and metal workers all >joined together, bringing business to a standstill. The right- >wing Chirac government was forced to make minor concessions >before being voted out for a new "socialist" administration. > > At the Oak Park Heights Correctional Facility in Minnesota, >150 prisoners went on strike in March 1997, demanding to be paid >the minimum wage. Although they lost a litigation battle to >attain this right, their strike gained attention and support from >several local labor unions. > > Just as the prison industrial complex is becoming >increasingly central to the growth of the U.S. economy, prisoners >are a crucial part of building effective opposition to the >transnational corporate agenda. Because of their enforced >invisibility, powerlessness, and isolation, it's far too common >for prisoners to be left out of the equation of international >solidarity. Yet, opposing the expansion of the prison industrial >complex, and supporting the rights and basic humanity of >prisoners, may be the only way we can stave off the consolidation >of a police state that represses us all, where you or a friend or >family member may yourself end up behind bars. > > Clearly, the only alternative that will match the power of >global of capital is an internationalization of human solidarity. >Because, truly, we are all in this together. > > "International solidarity is not an act of charity. It is an >act of unity between allies fighting on different terrains toward >the same objective. The foremost of these objectives is to aid >the development of humanity to the highest level possible." > > -- Samora Machel (1933-1986), Leader of FRELIMO, First > President of Mozambique > > * * * > > Linda Evans is a North American anti-imperialist political > prisoner currently at FCI Dublin in California. > > Eve Goldberg is a writer, film maker, and solidarity and > prisoners' rights activist. > > This pamphlet published by: > > PRISON ACTIVIST RESOURCE CENTER > PO Box 339 > Berkeley, CA 94701 > > To order lots of other pamphlets in paper form from our > pamphlet distribution page, go to: > > http://www.igc.org/justice/prisons/pubs/polit-pamph-index.html > >Yours Towards Justice, >Eli for PARC > > > * > > Source: Afrikan Frontline News Service > E-mail: nattyreb-AT-ix.netcom.com > Web: http://afrikan.net > > * * * > > ANTIFA INFO-BULLETIN (AFIB) > 750 La Playa # 730 > San Francisco, California 94121 > E-Mail: tburghardt-AT-igc.org > > * > > On PeaceNet visit ANTIFA INFO-BULLETIN on pol.right.antifa > or by gopher --> gopher://gopher.igc.apc.org:7021/11/europe > Via the Web --> http://burn.ucsd.edu/~aff/afib.html > > * > > ANTI-FASCIST FORUM (AFF) > Antifa Info-Bulletin is a member of the Anti-Fascist Forum > network. AFF is an info-group which collects and > disseminates information, research and analysis on fascist > activity and anti-fascist resistance. More info: > E-mail: aff-AT-burn.ucsd.edu > Web: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~aff > > +:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+ > +: A N T I F A I N F O - B U L L E T I N +: > :+ :+ > +: NEWS * ANALYSIS * RESEARCH * ACTION +: > :+ :+ > +: RESISTING FASCISM * BY ALL MEANS NECESSARY! +: > +:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+ > > ++++ stop the execution of Mumia Abu-Jamal ++++ > ++++ if you agree copy these 3 sentences in your own sig ++++ > ++++ see: http://www.xs4all.nl/~tank/spg-l/sigaction.htm ++++ > --- from list marxism-thaxis-AT-lists.village.virginia.edu ---
Display software: ArchTracker © Malgosia Askanas, 2000-2005