File spoon-archives/marxism-thaxis.archive/marxism-thaxis_1997/marxism-thaxis.9712, message 684


From: "jurriaan bendien" <Jbendien-AT-globalxs.nl>
Subject: M-TH: Re: the American Gulag
Date: Wed, 24 Dec 1997 12:38:27 +0100


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>|| * -- RESEARCH  -- *  December 23, 1997  * -- RESEARCH -- * ||
>||\/|\/|\/|\/|\/|\/|\/|\/|\/|\/|\/|\/|\/|\/|\/|\/|\/|\/|\/||\/||
>               
>                       RESEARCH SUPPLEMENT
>                              _____
>_________________________________________________________________
> 
>       THE PRISON-INDUSTRIAL COMPLEX & THE GLOBAL ECONOMY
>_________________________________________________________________
> 
>                              * * *
> 
>               * PRISON ACTIVIST RESOURCE CENTER *
>                          P.O. Box 339
>                       Berkeley, CA 94701
>                       Tel: 510-845-8813
>                       Fax: 510-845-8816
>                    E-mail: parcer-AT-igc.org
>                 Web: http://www.igc.org/prisons
>                 - Thursday, 18 December 1997 -
> 
>                              -----
>_________________________________________________________________
> 
>     THE PRISON-INDUSTRIAL COMPLEX AND THE GLOBAL ECONOMY
>_________________________________________________________________
> 
>                By Eve Goldberg and Linda Evans
> 
>                                *
> 
>     Over 1.8 million people are currently behind bars in the
>United States. This represents the highest per capita
>incarceration rate in the history of the world. In 1995 alone,
>150 new U.S. prisons were built and filled. 
> 
>     This monumental commitment to lock up a sizeable percentage
>of the population is an integral part of the globalization of
>capital. Several strands converged at the end of the Cold War,
>changing relations between labor and capital on an international
>scale: domestic economic decline, racism, the U.S. role as
>policeman of the world, and growth of the international drug
>economy in creating a booming prison/industrial complex. And the
>prison industrial complex is rapidly becoming an essential
>component of the U.S. economy. 
> 
> 
>PRISONS ARE BIG BUSINESS
> 
>     Like the military/industrial complex, the prison industrial
>complex is an interweaving of private business and government
>interests. Its twofold purpose is profit and social control. Its
>public rationale is the fight against crime. 
> 
>     Not so long ago, communism was "the enemy" and communists
>were demonized as a way of justifying gargantuan military
>expenditures. Now, fear of crime and the demonization of
>criminals serve a similar ideological purpose: to justify the use
>of tax dollars for the repression and incarceration of a growing
>percentage of our population. The omnipresent media blitz about
>serial killers, missing children, and "random violence" feeds our
>fear. In reality, however, most of the "criminals" we lock up are
>poor people who commit nonviolent crimes out of economic need.
>Violence occurs in less than 14% of all reported crime, and
>injuries occur in just 3%. In California, the top three charges
>for those entering prison are: possession of a controlled
>substance, possession of a controlled substance for sale, and
>robbery. Violent crimes like murder, rape, manslaughter and
>kidnaping don't even make the top ten.
> 
>     Like fear of communism during the Cold War, fear of crime is
>a great selling tool for a dubious product.
> 
>     As with the building and maintenance of weapons and armies,
>the building and maintenance of prisons are big business.
>Investment houses, construction companies, architects, and
>support services such as food, medical, transportation and
>furniture, all stand to profit by prison expansion. A burgeoning
>"specialty item" industry sells fencing, handcuffs, drug
>detectors, protective vests, and other security devices to
>prisons. 
> 
>     As the Cold War winds down and the Crime War heats up,
>defense industry giants like Westinghouse are re-tooling and
>lobbying Washington for their share of the domestic law
>enforcement market. "Night Enforcer" goggle used in the Gulf War,
>electronic "Hot Wire" fencing ("so hot NATO chose it for high-
>risk installations"), and other equipment once used by the
>military, are now being marketed to the criminal justice system.
> 
>     Communication companies like AT&T, Sprint, and MCI are
>getting into the act as well, gouging prisoners with exorbitant
>phone calling rates, often six times the normal long distance
>charge. Smaller firms like Correctional Communications Corp.,
>dedicated solely to the prison phone business, provide
>computerized prison phone systems, fully equipped for systematic
>surveillance. They win government contracts by offering to "kick
>back" some of the profits to the government agency awarding the
>contract. These companies are reaping huge profits at the expense
>of prisoners and their families; prisoners are often effectively
>cut off from communication due to the excessive cost of phone
>calls.
> 
>     One of the fastest growing sectors of the prison industrial
>complex is private corrections companies. Investment firm Smith
>Barney is a part owner of a prison in Florida. American Express
>and General Electric have invested in private prison construction
>in Oklahoma and Tennessee. Correctional Corporation Of America,
>one of the largest private prison owners, already operates
>internationally, with more than 48 facilities in 11 states,
>Puerto Rico, the United Kingdom, and Australia. Under contract by
>government to run jails and prisons, and paid a fixed sum per
>prisoner, the profit motive mandates that these firms operate as
>cheaply and efficiently as possible. This means lower wages for
>staff, no unions, and fewer services for prisoners. Private
>contracts also mean less public scrutiny. Prison owners are
>raking in billions by cutting corners which harm prisoners.
>Substandard diets, extreme overcrowding, and abuses by poorly
>trained personnel have all been documented and can be expected in
>these institutions which are unabashedly about making money. 
> 
>     Prisons are also a leading rural growth industry. With
>traditional agriculture being pushed aside by agribusiness, many
>rural American communities are facing hard times. Economically
>depressed areas are falling over each other to secure a prison
>facility of their own. Prisons are seen as a source of jobs in
>construction, local vendors and prison staff, as well as a source
>of tax revenues. An average prison has a staff of several hundred
>employees and an annual payroll of several million dollars.
> 
>     Like any industry, the prison economy needs raw materials.
>In this case the raw materials are prisoners. The prison
>industrial complex can grow only if more and more people are
>incarcerated even if crime rates drop. "Three Strikes" and
>mandatory minimums (harsh, fixed sentences without parole) are
>two examples of the legal superstructure quickly being put in
>place to guarantee that the prison population will grow and grow
>and grow.
> 
> 
>LABOR AND THE FLIGHT OF CAPITAL
> 
>     The growth of the prison industrial complex is inextricably
>tied to the fortunes of labor. Ever since the onset of the
>Reagan-Bush years in 1980, workers in the United States have been
>under siege. Aggressive union busting, corporate deregulation,
>and especially the flight of capital in search of cheaper labor
>markets, have been crucial factors in the downward plight of
>American workers.
> 
>     One wave of capital flight occurred in the 1970s.
>Manufacturing such as textiles in the Northeast moved south to
>South Carolina, Tennessee, Alabama non-union states where wages
>were low. During the 1980s, many more industries (steel, auto,
>etc.) closed up shop, moving on to the "more competitive
>atmospheres" of Mexico, Brazil, or Taiwan where wages were a mere
>fraction of those in the U.S., and environmental, health and
>safety standards were much lower. Most seriously hurt by these
>plant closures and layoffs were African-Americans and other
>semiskilled workers in urban centers who lost their decent paying
>industrial jobs. 
> 
>     Into the gaping economic hole left by the exodus of jobs
>from U.S. cities has rushed another economy: the drug economy. 
> 
> 
>THE WAR ON DRUGS
> 
>     The "War on Drugs," launched by President Reagan in the mid-
>eighties, has been fought on interlocking international and
>domestic fronts. 
> 
>     At the international level, the war on drugs has been both a
>cynical cover-up of U.S. government involvement in the drug
>trade, as well as justification for U.S. military intervention
>and control in the Third World. 
> 
>     Over the last 50 years, the primary goal of U.S. foreign
>policy (and the military industrial complex) has been to fight
>communism and protect corporate interests. To this end, the U.S.
>government has, with regularity, formed strategic alliances with
>drug dealers throughout the world. At the conclusion of World War
>II, the OSS (precursor to the CIA) allied itself with heroin
>traders on the docks of Marseille in an effort to wrest power
>away from communist dock workers. During the Vietnam war, the CIA
>aided the heroin producing Hmong tribesmen in the Golden Triangle
>area. In return for cooperation with the U.S. government's war
>against the Vietcong and other national liberation forces, the
>CIA flew local heroin out of Southeast Asia and into America.
>It's no accident that heroin addiction in the U.S. rose
>exponentially in the 1960s. 
> 
>     Nor is it an accident that cocaine began to proliferate in
>the United States during the 1980s. Central America is the
>strategic halfway point for air travel between Colombia and the
>United States. The Contra War against Sandinista Nicaragua, as
>well as the war against the national liberation forces in El
>Salvador, was largely about control of this critical area. When
>Congress cut off support for the Contras, Oliver North and
>friends found other ways to fund the Contra re-supply operations,
>in part through drug dealing. Planes loaded with arms for the
>Contras took off from the southern United States, offloaded their
>weapons on private landing strips in Honduras, then loaded up
>with cocaine for the return trip.
> 
>     A 1996 expose by the San Jose Mercury News documented CIA
>involvement in a Nicaraguan drug ring which poured thousands of
>kilos of cocaine into Los Angeles' African-American neighborhoods
>in the 1980s. Drug boss, Danilo Blandon, now an informant for the
>DEA, acknowledged under oath the drugs-for-weapons deals with the
>CIA-sponsored Contras.
> 
>     U.S. military presence in Central and Latin America has not
>stopped drug traffic. But it has influenced aspects of the drug
>trade, and is a powerful force of social control in the region.
>U.S. military intervention whether in propping up dictators or
>squashing peasant uprisings now operates under cover of the
>righteous war against drugs and "narco-terrorism."  
> 
>     In Mexico, for example, U.S. military aid supposedly
>earmarked for the drug war is being used to arm Mexican troops in
>the southern part of the country. The drug trade, however
>(production, transfer, and distribution points) is all in the
>north. The "drug war money" is being used primarily to fight
>against the Zapatista rebels in the southern state of Chiapas who
>are demanding land reform and economic policy changes which are
>diametrically opposed to the transnational corporate agenda. 
> 
>     In the Colombian jungles of Cartagena de Chaira, coca has
>become the only viable commercial crop. In 1996, 30,000 farmers
>blocked roads and airstrips to prevent crop spraying from
>aircraft. The Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) one
>of the oldest guerrilla organizations in Latin America, held 60
>government soldiers hostage for nine months, demanding that the
>military leave the jungle, that social services be increased, and
>that alternative crops be made available to farmers. And given
>the notorious involvement of Colombia's highest officials with
>the powerful drug cartels, it is not surprising that most U.S.
>"drug war" military aid actually goes to fighting the guerrillas.
> 
>     One result of the international war on drugs has been the
>internationalization of the U.S. prison population. For the most
>part, it is the low level "mules" carrying drugs into this
>country who are captured and incarcerated in ever-increasing
>numbers. At least 25% of inmates in the federal prison system
>today will be subject to deportation when their sentences are
>completed.
> 
>     Here at home, the war on drugs has been a war on poor
>people. Particularly poor, urban, African American men and women.
>It's well documented that police enforcement of the new, harsh
>drug laws have been focused on low-level dealers in communities
>of color. Arrests of African-Americans have been about five times
>higher than arrests of whites, although whites and African-
>Americans use drugs at about the same rate. And, African-
>Americans have been imprisoned in numbers even more
>disproportionate than their relative arrest rates. It is
>estimated that in 1994, on any given day, one out of every 128
>U.S. adults was incarcerated, while one out of every 17 African-
>American adult males was incarcerated.
> 
>     The differential in sentencing for powder and crack cocaine
>is one glaring example of institutionalized racism. About 90% of
>crack arrests are of African-Americans, while 75% of powder
>cocaine arrests are of whites. Under federal law, it takes only
>five grams of crack cocaine to trigger a five-year mandatory
>minimum sentence. But it takes 500 grams of powder cocaine 100
>times as much to trigger this same sentence. This flagrant
>injustice was highlighted by a 1996 nationwide federal prison
>rebellion when Congress refused to enact changes in sentencing
>laws that would equalize penalties.
> 
>     Statistics show that police repression and mass
>incarceration are not curbing the drug trade. Dealers are forced
>to move, turf is reshuffled, already vulnerable families are
>broken up. But the demand for drugs still exists, as do huge
>profits for high-level dealers in this fifty billion dollar
>international industry.
> 
>     From one point of view, the war on drugs can actually be
>seen as a pre-emptive strike. The state's repressive apparatus
>working overtime. Put poor people away before they get angry.
>Incarcerate those at the bottom, the helpless, the hopeless,
>before they demand change. What drugs don't damage (in terms of
>intact communities, the ability to take action, to organize) the
>war on drugs and mass imprisonment will surely destroy. 
> 
>     The crackdown on drugs has not stopped drug use. But it has
>taken thousands of unemployed (and potentially angry and
>rebellious) young men and women off the streets. And it has
>created a mushrooming prison population.
>                                                  
> 
>PRISON LABOR
> 
>     An American worker who once upon a time made $8/hour, loses
>his job when the company relocates to Thailand where workers are
>paid only $2/day. Unemployed, and alienated from a society
>indifferent to his needs, he becomes involved in the drug economy
>or some other outlawed means of survival. He is arrested, put in
>prison, and put to work. His new salary: 22 cents/hour.
> 
>     From worker, to unemployed, to criminal, to convict laborer,
>the cycle has come full circle. And the only victor is big
>business.
> 
>     For private business, prison labor is like a pot of gold. No
>strikes. No union organizing. No unemployment insurance or
>workers' compensation to pay. No language problem, as in a
>foreign country. New leviathan prisons are being built with
>thousands of eerie acres of factories inside the walls. Prisoners
>do data entry for Chevron, make telephone reservations for TWA,
>raise hogs, shovel manure, make circuit boards, limousines,
>waterbeds, and lingerie for Victoria's Secret. All at a fraction
>of the cost of "free labor." 
> 
>     Prisoners can be forced to work for pennies because they
>have no rights. Even the 14th Amendment to the Constitution which
>abolished slavery, excludes prisoners from its protections.
> 
>     And, more and more, prisons are charging inmates for basic
>necessities from medical care, to toilet paper, to use of the law
>library. Many states are now charging "room and board." Berks
>County jail in Pennsylvania is charging inmates $10 per day to be
>there. California has similar legislation pending. So, while
>government cannot (yet) actually require inmates to work at
>private industry jobs for less than minimum wage, they are forced
>to by necessity. Some prison enterprises are state run. Inmates
>working at UNICOR (the federal prison industry corporation) make
>recycled furniture and work 40 hours a week for about $40 per
>month. The Oregon Prison Industries produces a line of "Prison
>Blues" blue jeans. An ad in their catalogue shows a handsome
>prison inmate saying, "I say we should make bell-bottoms. They
>say I've been in here too long." Bizarre, but true. The
>promotional tags on the clothes themselves actually tout their
>operation as rehabiliation and job training for prisoners, who of
>course would never be able to find work in the garment industry
>upon release.
> 
>     Prison industries are often directly competing with private
>industry. Small furniture manufacturers around the country
>complain that they are being driven out of business by UNICOR
>which pays 23 cents/hour and has the inside track on government
>contracts. In another case, U.S. Technologies sold its
>electronics plant in Austin, Texas, leaving its 150 workers
>unemployed. Six week later, the electronics plant reopened in a
>nearby prison.
> 
> 
>WELCOME TO THE NEW WORLD ORDER
> 
>     The proliferation of prisons in the United States is one
>piece of a puzzle called the globalization of capital.
> 
>     Since the end of the Cold War, capitalism has gone on an
>international business offensive. No longer impeded by an
>alternative socialist economy or the threat of national
>liberation movements supported by the Soviet Union or China,
>transnational corporations see the world as their oyster.
>Agencies such as the World Trade Organization, World Bank, and
>the International Monetary Fund, bolstered by agreements like
>NAFTA and GATT are putting more and more power into the hands of
>transnational corporations by putting the squeeze on national
>governments. The primary mechanism of control is debt. For
>decades, developing countries have depended on foreign loans,
>resulting in increasing vulnerability to the transnational
>corporate strategy for the global economy. Access to
>international credit and aid is given only if governments agree
>to certain conditions known as "structural adjustment." 
> 
>     In a nutshell, structural adjustment requires cuts in social
>services, privatization of state-run industry, repeal of
>agreements with labor about working conditions and minimum wage,
>conversion of multiuse farm lands into cash crop agriculture for
>export, and the dismantling of trade laws which protect local
>economies. Under structural adjustment, police and military
>expenditures are the only government spending that is encouraged.
>The sovereignty of nations is compromised when, as in the case of
>Vietnam, trade sanctions are threatened unless the government
>allows Camel cigarettes to litter the countryside with
>billboards, or promises to spend millions in the U.S.-
>orchestrated crackdown on drugs.
> 
>     The basic transnational corporate philosophy is this: the
>world is a single market; natural resources are to be exploited;
>people are consumers; anything which hinders profit is to be
>routed out and destroyed. The results of this philosophy in
>action are that while economies are growing, so is poverty, so is
>ecological destruction, so are sweatshops and child labor. Across
>the globe, wages are plummeting, indigenous people are being
>forced off their lands, rivers are becoming industrial dumping
>grounds, and forests are being obliterated. Massive regional
>starvation and "World Bank riots" are becoming more frequent
>throughout the Third World.
> 
>     All over the world, more and more people are being forced
>into illegal activity for their own survival as traditional
>cultures and social structures are destroyed. Inevitably, crime
>and imprisonment rates are on the rise. And the United States law
>enforcement establishment is in the forefront, domestically and
>internationally, in providing state-of-the-art repression. 
> 
>     Within the United States, structural adjustment (sometimes
>known as the Contract With America) takes the form of welfare and
>social service cuts, continued massive military spending, and
>skyrocketing prison spending. Walk through any poor urban
>neighborhood: school systems are crumbling, after school
>programs, libraries, parks and drug treatment centers are closed.
>But you will see more police stations and more cops. Often, the
>only "social service" available to poor young people is jail.
> 
>     The dismantling of social programs, and the growing
>dominance of the right-wing agenda in U.S. politics has been made
>possible, at least in part, by the successful repression of the
>civil rights and liberation movements of the 1960s and 70s. Many
>of the leaders Martin Luther King Jr., Malcolm X, Fred Hampton,
>and many others were assassinated. Others, like Geronimo ji Jaga
>Pratt, Leonard Peltier, and Mumia Abu-Jamal, have been locked up.
>Over 150 political leaders from the black liberation struggle,
>the Puerto Rican independence movement, and other resistence
>efforts are still in prison. Many are serving sentences ranging
>from 40 to 90 years. Oppressed communities have been robbed of
>radical political leadership which might have led an opposition
>movement. We are reaping the results.
> 
>     The number of people in U.S. prisons has more than tripled
>in the past 17 years from 500,000 in 1980 to 1.8 million in 1997.
>Today, more than five million people are behind bars, on parole,
>probation, or under other supervision by the criminal justice
>system. The state of California now spends more on prisons than
>on higher education, and over the past decade has built 19
>prisons and only one branch university. 
> 
>     Add to this, the fact that increasing numbers of women are
>being locked up. Between 1980 and 1994, the number of women in
>prison increased five-fold, and women now make up the fastest
>growing segment of the prison population. Most of these women are
>mothers leaving future generations growing up in foster homes or
>on the streets. 
> 
>     Welcome to the New World Order.
> 
> 
>WHAT IS TO BE DONE?
> 
>     Prisons are not reducing crime. But they are fracturing
>already vulnerable families and communities. 
> 
>     Poor people of color are being locked up in grossly
>disproportionate numbers, primarily for non violent crimes. But
>Americans are not feeling safer. As "criminals" become scapegoats
>for our floundering economy and our deteriorating social
>structure, even the guise of rehabilitation is quickly
>disappearing from our penal philosophy. After all: rehabilitate
>for what? To go back into an economy which has no jobs? To go
>back into a community which has no hope? As education and other
>prison programs are cut back, or in most cases eliminated
>altogether, prisons are becoming vast, over-crowded, holding
>tanks. Or worse: factories behind bars.
> 
>     And, prison labor is undercutting wages, something which
>hurts all working and poor Americans. It's a situation which can
>only occur because organized labor is divided and weak and has
>not kept step with organized capital.
> 
>     While capital has globalized, labor has not. While the
>transnationals truly are fashioning our planet into a global
>village, there is still little communication or cooperation
>between workers around the world. Only an internationally linked
>labor movement can effectively challenge the power of the
>transnational corporations.
> 
>     There have been some wonderful, shining instances of
>international worker solidarity. In the early 1980s, 3M workers
>in South Africa walked out in support of striking 3M workers in
>New Jersey. Recently, longshore workers in Denmark, Spain, Sweden
>and several other countries closed down ports around the world in
>solidarity with striking Liverpool dockers. The company was
>forced to negotiate. When Renault closed its plant in Belgium,
>100,000 demonstrated in Brussels, pressuring the French and
>Belgium governments to condemn the plant closure and compel its
>reopening.
> 
>     Here in the U.S., there is a glimmer of hope as the AFL-CIO
>has voted in some new, more progressive leadership. We'll see how
>that shapes up, and whether the last 50 years of anticommunist,
>bread-and-butter American unionism is really a thing of the past.
> 
>     What is certain is that resistance to the transnational
>corporate agenda is growing around the globe: 
> 
>    In 1996, the people of Bougainville, a small New Guinea
>island, organized a secessionist rebellion, protesting the
>dislocations and ecological destruction caused by corporate
>mining on the island. When the government hired mercenaries from
>South Africa to train local troops in counterinsurgency warfare,
>the army rebelled, threw out the mercenaries, and deposed the
>Prime Minister. 
> 
>     A one day General Strike shut down Haiti in January 1997.
>Strikers demanded the suspension of negotiations between the
>Prime Minister and the International Monetary Fund/World Bank.
>They protested the austerity measures imposed by the IMF and WB
>which would mean laying off 7,000 government workers and the
>privatization of the electric and telephone companies. 
> 
>     In Nigeria, the Ogoni people conducted a protracted eight
>year struggle against Shell Oil. Acid rain, and hundreds of oil
>spills and gas flares were turning the once fertile countryside
>into a near wasteland. Their peaceful demonstrations, election
>boycotts, and pleas for international solidarity were met with
>violent government repression and the eventual execution of Ogoni
>writer-leader Ken Saro Wiwa. 
> 
>     In France, a month-long General Strike united millions of
>workers who protested privatization, a government worker pay
>freeze, and cutbacks in social services. Telephone, airline,
>power, postal, education, health care and metal workers all
>joined together, bringing business to a standstill. The right-
>wing Chirac government was forced to make minor concessions
>before being voted out for a new "socialist" administration. 
> 
>     At the Oak Park Heights Correctional Facility in Minnesota,
>150 prisoners went on strike in March 1997, demanding to be paid
>the minimum wage. Although they lost a litigation battle to
>attain this right, their strike gained attention and support from
>several local labor unions.  
> 
>     Just as the prison industrial complex is becoming
>increasingly central to the growth of the U.S. economy, prisoners
>are a crucial part of building effective opposition to the
>transnational corporate agenda. Because of their enforced
>invisibility, powerlessness, and isolation, it's far too common
>for prisoners to be left out of the equation of international
>solidarity. Yet, opposing the expansion of the prison industrial
>complex, and supporting the rights and basic humanity of
>prisoners, may be the only way we can stave off the consolidation
>of a police state that represses us all, where you or a friend or
>family member may yourself end up behind bars.
> 
>     Clearly, the only alternative that will match the power of
>global of capital is an internationalization of human solidarity.
>Because, truly, we are all in this together.
> 
>     "International solidarity is not an act of charity. It is an
>act of unity between allies fighting on different terrains toward
>the same objective. The foremost of these objectives is to aid
>the development of humanity to the highest level possible."
> 
>     -- Samora Machel (1933-1986), Leader of FRELIMO, First
>        President of Mozambique
> 
>                              * * *
> 
>     Linda Evans is a North American anti-imperialist political
>     prisoner currently at FCI Dublin in California.
> 
>     Eve Goldberg is a writer, film maker, and solidarity and
>     prisoners' rights activist.
> 
>                    This pamphlet published by:
> 
>                  PRISON ACTIVIST RESOURCE CENTER
>                             PO Box 339 
>                         Berkeley, CA 94701
> 
>     To order lots of other pamphlets in paper form from our
>     pamphlet distribution page, go to:
> 
>  http://www.igc.org/justice/prisons/pubs/polit-pamph-index.html
> 
>Yours Towards Justice,
>Eli for PARC
> 
> 
>                                *
> 
>            Source: Afrikan Frontline News Service
>                E-mail: nattyreb-AT-ix.netcom.com
>                     Web: http://afrikan.net
> 
>                              * * *
> 
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>                     E-Mail: tburghardt-AT-igc.org
> 
>                                *
> 
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>     Antifa Info-Bulletin is a member of the Anti-Fascist Forum
>     network. AFF is an info-group which collects and
>     disseminates information, research and analysis on fascist
>     activity and anti-fascist resistance. More info: 
>                    E-mail: aff-AT-burn.ucsd.edu 
>                  Web: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~aff
> 
>     +:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+
>     +:        A N T I F A   I N F O - B U L L E T I N        +:
>     :+                                                       :+
>     +:          NEWS * ANALYSIS * RESEARCH * ACTION          +:
>     :+                                                       :+
>     +:     RESISTING FASCISM    *  BY ALL MEANS NECESSARY!   +:
>     +:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+
> 
>          ++++ stop the execution of Mumia Abu-Jamal ++++
>   ++++ if you agree copy these 3 sentences in your own sig ++++
>  ++++ see: http://www.xs4all.nl/~tank/spg-l/sigaction.htm ++++
>


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