Date: Sat, 22 Oct 1994 02:18:00 +0700 From: djones-AT-uclink.berkeley.edu (jones-bhandari) Subject: fascism I am hoping that we can use this line to think through our responses to Murray and Herrenstein's latest "research". I want to raise here two points: their concern with differential birth rates and the critique of positivism. For those of you whose appreciation for the delete key grows as my posts grow, I do recommend skipping to the passage which I quote on positivism. 1. So-called race suicide What strikes me is their complete revival of the fears of race suicide. They are concerned with not only the intellectual potential and reproduction rates of the oppressed but with the alleged differential reproduction rates of classes bifurcated by their IQ's. In the Atlantic Monthly in 1989, Herrenstein lamented that high IQ women are not having enough children, while Murray is now openly arguing that the welfare system is a defacto fertility policy--"The technically precise description of America's fertility policy is that it subsidizes births among poor women, who are also disproportionately at the low end of the intelligence distribution." Of course IQ has been collapsed here with intelligence without argument, and Murray has intimated once again that AFDC increases birth rates, instead of merely ameliorating poverty especially among children. But if further cutbacks in AFDC do not further his programme to control the already declining birth rate among the most oppressed, what other means will be available to him--see Troy Duster's disturbing book Backdoor to Eugenics. Already they are proposing to make birth control devices and information more widely available to the poor. And one wonders what means will be proposed to increase the birth rates of high IQ women. Remember people like George Gilder have argued that the total re-subordination of women in patriarchal, nuclear families is the key prop to rekindling the spirit of enterprise: only when bourgeois men have children and dependent wives (family ties) do they work hard enough to and have the motive to save--which then cures the economy of the savings shortfall engendered by a rising depreciation rate. Savings and investment are treated as subjective variables. The influence of Gilder's neo-Schumpeterian theories on contemporary family policy has been noted by Pamela Abbot in the Family and the New Right, as well as indirectly by Stephanie Coontz in The Way We Never Were. What seemed at first as a right-wing attempt to resubordinate all women in patriarchal families is turning out to be a policy directed towards curtailing the reproduction of some women and at the very least lamenting the lack of births among others. It seems to me that the Moynihan thesis is now being used to justify a policy approaching eugenics: since Black men cannot be the heads of the Brady Bunch (on genetic grounds) and since children should not be raised in women-headed households, Black women should be discouraged from having children at all. So whereas before Black men were to be singled out for job training, while Black women were induced to become dependent upon them, they are now both to be ignored--on account of a good deal of poverty getting down to an intractable core. But then again, as Adolph Reed has pointed out, the job program the goal of which was putatively to make good patriarchs of Black men was service in the man-short army during the Vietnam War. Quasi-genocidal policies from that recommendation to the very process of ghettoization have been part of America...since its inception. In other words, the concern here is not simply excessive reproduction of the oppressed but with differential reproduction between "classes", which has often been the object of "corrective" state policy in the twentieth century. It seems to me that what we need a rigorous marxist theory of such policy, theory which clarfies what is at stake: socialism or barbarism. 2. the critique of M and H's positivism It may be most effective to strike at Murray's very methods. From John Hoffman's 1975, Marxism and the Theory of Praxis: Positivism tries to restrict science to the world of "appearances" and thus leaves it vulnerable to fetishism of every kind. The truth of a phenomenon is only intellible when we really *understand* it, when we can begin to explain it, relate it, dig out its causes, in short, reasn about it....if people of different classes or "races" look different, behave differently, think differently, then this is somehow "empirical" proof that class and "race" can only be explained in physiological terms. The historical forces which make people what they are, which shape them and mould them, giving them a specific appearance at a specific moment in time--these are simply ignored--and the momentary form is ossified into a timeless reality. No real change is possible: all that remains is for charlatans and mystics to carry out their fascist-type experiments in order to coerce the "defective" and the "aberrant" to "genetically adust" to a capitalist status quo. Postivism with its dogmas of socially irresponsible (allegedly "value-free") science, of theory without practice, brings to an ugly head the age-old philosophical activity of trying to freeze historical development into timeless "verities", mental abstractions, which leave the world the world as it is. Sacrificing objective reality for its empirical fragments, postivism strikes viciously at the roots of reason, our ability to control the world around us, and defends instead a religion of passivity and helplessless in the name of "science": we are all victims of circumstance, genetic inheritance, accident, instinctual impulses which nobody can control, and the only bit of philosophy we have to guide us through life is to follow the will of those who know better (p.15-16) jb ------------------
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