Date: Tue, 28 Nov 1995 20:58:38 -0800 From: James Miller <jamiller-AT-igc.apc.org> Subject: Grundrisse THE GRUNDRISSE Steve Keen's post of Nov. 28 calls attention to a passage in _The Grundrisse_ on pp. 383-385, in which Steve states that Marx violated the basic definition of value that he had previously enunciated. A word of caution on reading _Grundrisse_. There are some arithmetical errors, and readers have to watch out for them. But more importantly, this is a workbook, not a draft of a text for publication. Due to its character as a workbook, Marx generally does not state the assumptions that he uses when setting up a particular problem. Also, there are cases where his ideas are expressed only partially, since he wanted to save himself the effort of unnecessary repetition.This makes interpretation difficult in many instances. Further, there are several lines of inquiry in this workbook that were not repeated in his later works. Some of them were abandoned by Marx later, not so much because they were unscientific in themselves, but because they might have been relatively unproductive or ineffective in defining or illustrating a particular process. The example that Steve and John refer to, on pp. 383-385, is part of a series of calculations which begins on p. 366. For those who want to interpret the section in question, it will be necessary to start on p. 366. (Although, like anything else, your capacity to deal with the material here depends on how much knowledge you already have as you read it.) I would urge people who haven't read _Grundrisse_ to read _Capital_ first, and only use _Grundrisse_ as a supplementary work. _Capital_ was written for publication. The first volume was edited by Marx, the other two by Engels. These three volumes are the definitive and authoritative statement of Marx's economic theory. Theoretical debate which involves the question of interpreting Marx's meaning, should, as much as possible, rely on _Capital_. In some cases, _Grundrisse_ can be used as a supporting text. But if, as with the case here, _Grundrisse_ is used to show that Marx contradicted himself, then the version of the theory that was printed in _Capital_ should be regarded as the authoritative one. What this means is that I am under no obligation to defend what Marx said in _The Grundrisse_. Either Steve is right, in which case I defend _Capital_ against the passage in _The Grundrisse_. It's possible Marx made a mistake which he corrected later. And if he made a mistake, it's possible that he did it deliberately, as well as accidentally. (There are some examples of Marx advancing arguments and hypotheses in order to see where they lead, and later abandoning them or criticizing them.) But I will say that in the passage in question, Marx presents a number of problems to the alert reader. He makes some arithmetical errors. He toys with certain concepts, in one case pointing to the absurdity of the example he has just set up (p. 379). His main task in this passage is to examine the effects of changing productivity on the rate of surplus value and the composition of capital. He begins with the assumption that a given number of hours of labor time produces a given amount of value, which here he measures in thalers. He says this on p. 378 and 379. But then he loses track of this assumption on p. 382, where he develops the surplus value as a given fraction of the variable capital, rather than as a division of the working day into necessary and surplus portions. Thus he has one capital in which 2 working days creates a value of 20 + 6.67 = 26.67. Then later, due to the rise in the price of necessaries, the same 2 workdays creates a value of 25 + 8.33 = 33.33. Rather than dividing up one and the same value product of 2 days labor into necessary and surplus, which he had started out doing, here he takes the variable capital as a given and tacks on a surplus value at 33.33 % of the variable capital. He does this again on p. 383 and 384. On p. 383 he makes this departure from the labor theory of value explicit: "...in the first, 4 days create 1 surplus day in 4 working days; in the second, 4 days create 1.33 surplus days." On p. 383, 4 days of labor time, for which the capitalist advances a variable capital of 40 thalers, produces a value of 50 thalers in one case and 53.33 thalers in the other case. As Steve says, it "flies in the face" of Marx's law of value. And he does the same thing again in the example beginning at the bottom of p. 383, except that in this case there's no reference to working time. On p. 384, Marx says, "It [labor] therefore creates more use values and a higher exchange value in the same amount of time..." It's possible that Marx was thinking here of a larger number of workers creating more value in the same amount of time, but he doesn't say this. Then on p. 387, Marx returns to his former method of dividing the new value created into a necessary and a surplus portion, i.e. he reverts to the labor theory of value. There follows another series of numerical examples extending to p. 397. This passage is also made difficult to read by errors and unexplained assumptions. It might be possible to discuss this further and arrive at a more complete understanding of Marx's methods. In the interest of brevity, I won't say anything more about it now. But while Marx was writing _The Grundrisse_, or soon after, on April 2, 1858, he wrote to Engels: "1. Value. This is reduced entirely to the quantity of labor; time as a measure of labor." If he departed from this in the passage above, he did so only for a limited time and for a limited purpose. He did not revive such lines of thought in _Capital_. JOHN ERNST'S CONTRIBUTION John had nothing of substance to say regarding the content of my last three posts. He did, however, express the view that I should read Chap. 12 of Vol. I of _Capital_. I appreciate his recommendation, but my invitation to him is still open: I would like to have an in-depth discussion with him on the law of value. I'd be willing to discuss further the passage from _Grundrisse_, as well, but that wouldn't be the most productive format, in my opinion. PETER BURNS ON SCIENTISM I appreciate Peter's patience with me. Sometimes I still come off as too subjective and irascible. I also appreciate Peter's attempts to create a dialogue with Marxists, although I view the source and outcome of such a dialogue differently from the way he views it. To clarify one point: when Peter says that "instead of antagonizing religious believers, socialists should be inviting them to come aboard a common project.," I agree with him, but at the same time I don't think joint work on a common project should be used as a justification for avoiding theoretical debate. Peter and I both worked in the Nicaragua solidarity movement, although we didn't know each other. We were, at that time, working on a common project, along with many thousands of others with a wide range of political and philosophical beliefs. Looking back on it now, both of us probably agree that it was a worthy cause, and we might look forward to similar opportunities, or they might even be going on now. (For example, in the Cuba solidarity work, perhaps.) In the meantime, here we are on the Marxism list, debating philosophy. There's nothing wrong with this either, because Peter is trying to make gains for his church, and I'm trying to make gains for the Marxist movement. And, in spite of the fact that we can and do work together on common projects, the fact remains that religion and Marxism are counterposed in the class struggle. One expands at the expense of the other. The Marxism list is a place where we can discuss our differences in a deep and wide-ranging way. The fact that we have these differences, and are willing to debate them, does not in any way prevent us from collaborating on projects of common interest. But Peter is right in saying that I should not "antagonize" religious people. We should avoid hostility and rejection as long as we view each other as real or potential allies in particular struggles. On the other hand, there are some religious people that Marxists can't help but antagonize. Those are the people who blockade abortion clinics and harass abortion providers (and there are other examples). We sometimes have to get in their face as they get in ours. In conflicts of this type, religion becomes a factor in struggles which can, and do, take on a physical character. But such is not the case (I hope) in the dialogue with Peter, even if he opposes the legal right to abortion, (and I don't know if he does or not). Peter then says, "it's time to get over the political fruitlessness of militantly antagonistic approaches to religious *belief* <which does not mean abandoning political criticism of the *churches as social institutions* --many *Catholics* are doing just that all the time.>" I disagree. It is not fruitless to discuss philosophy or belief. It is such basic and fundamental debates that are of the greatest value to the working class. Further, there is an unavoidable interdependence between churches as social institutions and religion as philosophy or belief. You cannot isolate religious belief from the nature and activity of churches. Naturally, ideological differences should be discussed with all due civility, but a certain political or theoretical "antagonism" (not "hostility") is inherent in the counterposed philosophical views. (In my last post, I used a little sarcasm, but I don't feel it was real hostility.) In relation to the philosophical differences, Peter says that "I view belief in God's existence as reasonable, while accepting that others reasonably differ." And further, "...whether one explains reason, mind and value theistically or not, they are not adequately accounted for by 'orthodox' marxists, including some on this list." But the question is not whether some Marxists are or are not adequate in their capacity to account for the existence of the world, or the source of reason, mind and value. The question is whether God created the world and humanity, or whether nature and human society evolved without God's intervention. Isn't that the question? That's what I'd like to discuss. If this is the question, then Marxists have one view, and religionists another. Of course, it is not so simple. There is a range of views among both Marxists and religionists. There are also those (like Ernesto Cardenal) who believe they have created the unity of Marxism and religion. But one cannot deny that, no matter the various modes of thought, Marxism and religion go in different philosophical directions. So when I speak of "Marxism," I can't account for what many modern writers (who might call themselves Marxists for any number of reasons) have said. In my view, the best source for the authentic expression of Marxism on questions of philosophy, history, science and society, is the works of Marx and Engels themselves. In addition to Marx and Engels, I also like Lenin and Trotsky. (Regrding the dialectics of nature, I like the article recently posted in the Marxism archive by Richard Levins.) Why do I believe that the real question is whether God created the world and humanity? Because, as a Marxist, I believe that the working class is faced with the task of overthrowing capitalist rule. If the workers are to gain the kind of unity and wisdom they need, they will have to overcome religious modes of thought, in addition to rejecting the authority of church officials. As Lenin put it, "Marxism has always regarded all modern religions and churches, and each and every religious organization, as instruments of bourgeois reaction that serve to defend exploitation and to befuddle the working class." (CW, Vol. 15, p. 403) I agree with this and would be willing to defend it if Peter wants to debate the point. Workers are going to have to think more and more rationally and scientifically, less and less spiritualistically, if they are going to be able to elevate themselves to the position of ruling class. We can see that this process is already under way, but still has a long way to go. Jim Miller Seattle --- from list marxism-AT-lists.village.virginia.edu --- ------------------
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