From: lquispe-AT-nyxfer.blythe.org (Luis Quispe) Subject: Amnesty International on Behalf of Imperialism Date: Sun, 11 Feb 1996 00:53:32 -0500 (EST) The New Flag, 30-08 Broadway, Suite 159, Queens, NY 11106 E-Mail:lquispe-AT-nxyfer.blythe.org AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL ON BEHALF OF U.S. IMPERIALISM (Part 1 of 3) The U.S. State Department denounces "human rights violations" by the People's War led by the Communist Party of Peru (PCP), in a calculated attempt to gain public support for U.S. intervention and to justify and cover up genocides and masacres committed by the armed forces it supports. In Peru and other parts of the world, the "human rights" campaign of imperialism goes hand-in- hand with the public relations campaign launched by supposedly "neutral" but well financed human rights organizations in the world such as Ammnesty International (AI) and Right's Watch (formerly America's Watch), both paralleling the language of the State Department. AI reports on the U.S. bombings of Iraq, Panama, and Bosnia confirm the latter and Peru is not the exception. AI is not ignorant of the basic realities of Peru. It has an office in Lima that receives and develops data on government atrocities for some years. However, they are not allowed to conduct on-site visits to see villages razed by the Army nor to witness the mass graves denounced by the people. They have to rely on the military reports and the Peruvian press which in its majority is controlled by the government. The very existence of AI (for financial and security reasons) depends on how much they can go along with the slanders of the regime against the revolution. Mr. Abugattas (AI employee in Peru) has once stated: "We have no choice but to report the accusations of the government against Sendero in order to reveal the most henyous crimes of the military." Although we acknowledge Mr. Abugattas' honesty, no one can believe that AI is a "neutral" political organization. It was and it is one important tool of U.S. foreign policy in the world. In November 1991, Al issued a major report on Peru, and called for a year-long campaign in 1992. The report includes exposure of the atrocious crimes of the Peruvian army and the Fujimori government. Unfortunately, the AI reports of 1991, 1992, 1993, have made a major point of attacking the revolution in Peru. AI essentially sustains the State Department's position that the people of Peru, particularly the peasantry, suffer human rights violations from each side, and are "caught between two fires," and that the Peruvian Army and the maoist rebels are equal oppressors and tormentors of the people. At the same, however, the U.S. backs vigourisly "one of the fires" it condems the dictatorship of Fujimori and also direct the law intensity warfare against the Peruvian people. The military coup (or self-coup) came not long after the U.S. government and media had launched a "human rights" propaganda offensive against the People's War.In a Congressional testimony of March 12, 1992, Underscretary of State for Latin American Affairs Bernard Aronson said: "The international community and respected human rights organizations (AI, America'a Watch) must focus the spotlight of world attention on the threat which Sendero poses." "Latin America has seen violence and terror, but none like Sendero's ..." and "make no mistake, if Sendero were to take power, we would see this century's third genocide." (The U.S. State Department defines the first two genocides as Nazi Germany and Cambodia in the 1970s. It suddently forgets the genocides pepetrated by U.S. imperialismm and its allies in Iraq, Panama, Bosnia and Peru. How about the genocide of American indians by the "founding fathers"?.) Few days later, Aronson was in Lima to coordinate the implementation of the military "Coup D'etat." Which according to the bourgeois magazine Caretas of Sept. 21, 1995, had as main objectives: 1) the dissolution of the parliament and set up a subservient Congres instead, 2) the cooptation of the judiciary and the curtailment of the constotutional rights by state of emergencies and curfews, 3) the total annihilation of the subversives, including its supporters and relatives. [Vo. 1, pg. 11 of Plan del Golpe.] This explains the silence and complicity in the military coup of these U.S. funded "respected" human rights organizations. The coup was an attempt by the big bourgeoissie in Peru (and the U.S.) to pull themselves together to defeat the revolutionary people's war led by the Communist Party of Peru (PCP). The coup meant greater centralization of military and police power, and the stripping away of anything that stood even slightly in opposition to unleashing the brutal power of the Peruvian state, especially in the cities since in much of the countryside, there exist the open People's Committees and ther has been a "state of emergency" for years. In addition to facilitate the U.S. military intervention in Peru, the "human rights" campaign against the Peruvian revolution fullfills a preventive role. It tries to prevent that the broad progressive sections of the people in the U.S. (especially the oppressed), and liberal church groups, supporters of genuine human and people's rights, etc. support the People's War. That is the best way to gain the "moral high ground" for U.S. intervention and government policy in general. During the Reagan and Bush administrations, the "war on drugs," was the "official story" justifying and covering for U.S. military intervention, and this is still the framework for much U.S. aid under Clinton. Under the CIA strategy of "war on drugs," the PCP is painted without a shred of evidence as "narco-terrorist," the U.S. built up military firebases in zones that are strongholds of the revolution, Green Berets are heavily involved in "training missions," and overall, has begun to open up a whole new level of relations with its lackeys, the Peruvian government and military. Under the cover of the "war on drugs," the U.S. built up a massive high-tech infrastructure in the Caribbean and in South America. This is similar to the kind of infrastructure built up in Saudi Arabia and used as a command and control center for the war against Iraq. [Clarles Lane, "The Newest War", Newsweek Jan. 6, 92] But the lies behind the "war on drugs" have become increasingly exposed as facades by the mainstream press such as the New York Times and Wall Street Journal that have ridiculed the U.S. allegations of drug-trafficking by the PCP, and exposing Fujimori's government and its military of being thoroughly involved in drug trafficking [New York Times, Feb. 16, 1992.] In 1994, this fact was confirmed when the Peruvian press reported that Army and police officers in charge of the counterinsurgence war in the Huallaga Valley were involved in drug trafficking [Expreso, Nov. 28, 94.] However, the "war on drugs" alone is not enough to shape public opinion against the revolutionary stormm of the people in Peru and Latin America. The revolution has been making powerful advances that require for increasingly drastic action from the U.S. and the Peruvian government if there is to be any chance of stopping it [Gordon McCormick, "From the Sierra to the Cities," Rand Corporation Jan. 1992.] Of course, know we know that this drastic measure was to carry out the military coup in April 1992 and intensify the "human rights" campaign against the People's War. Also in 1992, Bernard Aronson called AI and America's Watch to coordinate this offensive against the emerging revolution, according to them was near to seize power in Peru. This campaign was designed to terrify the middle classes in the United States and Europe on "the horrible crimes of the Shining Path", using this to justify in advance the crimes that the U.S. government and the bloody Fujimori regime were planning to carried out during and after the April military coup. The Aronson's charges against the PCP were soon followed up by AI and America's Watch reports providing "justification" for such baseless charges. This campaign were quickly echoed throughout the mainstream press in the U.S., and repeated over and over again during the military coup and during the genocide of 100 political prisoners and prisoners of war in the CantoGrande prison perpetrated in May, 92. Thus, both crimes against the Peruvian People, the coup and the genocide of Cantogrande were fully "justified" by the U.S. and its "human rights" tools [AI and America's Watch]. Faithful to the State Department's policy on "focusing on sendero", AI was held a major international conference in Japan, it declared that it would put greater emphasis than in the past on criticizing and attacking revolutions through the world, in the form of a "equally" criticizing revolutionaries and the counter-insurgency measures of reactionary states. ["AI to Stress Abuses by Rebels", Detroit Free Press, Sept. 9, 1991] In the 1990's, obviuosly the main target of this AI's counterrevolutionary policy is the People's War in Peru. Indeed, in a newsletter (Ammesty Action Newsletter of Jan-Feb, 92, AI confirmed that the PCP was its main target.) To people who see AI as a champion of those who are repressed and persecuted, how incongruous it must be to see it turning its fire against supporters or a people's liberation movement. It is in these circumstances that the bloody masacre of 400 political prisoners in the jail of Cantogrande takes place, exposing the role of AI before the people (100 prisoners were killed after they surrendered). How far would AI go in carrying out this orientation of criticizing a people's revolution "equally" with the blatant genocides carried out by the government? AI has exposed itself. During the Army assault of the prison of Cantogrande the Communists resisted 3 weeks, and AI did not make any criticism of the butchery. It only release an Urgent Action Alert after vicious murder of the political prisoners. Too late and too little. In sum, it is clear that AI and other "human rights" in the U.S. contribute to the role of the U.S. Congress, and the State Department in "demonizing" and distorting beyond recognition the genuine revolution in Peru. The hypocritical "condemantions" of the brutalities of the Fujimori Regime and its Army, generally after the facts, do not relieve the their counterrevolutionary role at the service of U.S. Imperialism. to be continued... ===========================Published by The New Flag 30-08 Broadway, Suite 159 Queens, NY 11106 E-Mail:lquispe-AT-nxyfer.blythe.org --- from list marxism-AT-lists.village.virginia.edu --- ------------------
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