From: lquispe-AT-nyxfer.blythe.org (Luis Quispe) Subject: In Defense of Maoism Date: Wed, 14 Feb 1996 00:59:14 -0500 (EST) [Translated from the original version in Spanish by Peru People's Movement (MPP).] THE NEW DEMOCRATIC REVOLUTION. It is a development of the Marxist theory of the State in which is established three types of dictatorships: 1) the bourgeoisie, in the bourgeois democracies like the United States, a type in which the dictatorships in the oppressed nations such as the ones in Latin American are assimilable; 2) proletarian dictatorships, like the one in the Soviet Union or in China before the usurpation of power by the revisionists; and 3) New Democracy, as a joint dictatorship based on the worker-peasant alliance, led by the proletariat headed up by the Communist Party, which was formed in China during its democratic revolution, and which is concretely expressed in Peru today through the People's Committees, in the base areas and in the People's Republic of New Democracy in formation. It is fundamental to emphasize, within this development of the theory of the state, the key differentiation between a state system as a dictatorship of a class or classes that hold political power, which is principal, and a system of government, which is understood as an organization for the exercise of political power. On the other hand, New Democracy, one of the extraordinary developments made by Chairman Mao, masterfully realizes for us the bourgeois revolution of a new type, which only the proletariat can lead. In synthesis, it is the democratic revolution within the new era of the world proletarian revolution in which we find ourselves. The New Democratic Revolution implies a new economy, a new politics, and a new culture, obviously overthrowing the old order and upholding the new one with arms is the only way to transform the world. Finally, it is important to emphasize that New Democracy is a democratic revolution, although it mainly fulfills the democratic tasks, it also complementarily advances in some socialist tasks; in this way the question of two stages, democratic and socialist, which corresponds to countries like ours, is thoroughly solved by guaranteeing that, when the democratic stage is concluded, it will be continued as a socialist revolution, without any intermission, uninterruptedly. THE THREE INSTRUMENTS. The problem of the construction of the instruments of the revolution presents the Party with the problem of understanding the interrelationship between the Party, the army and the united front; and, how to understand and to handle the interrelated construction of the three instruments in the midst of war or in the maintaining of the new State based on the power of the armed people, expresses a just and correct task of leadership. Their construction is guided by the principle that a just and correct ideological line decides everything, and it is on this ideological-political basis that the organizational construction is simultaneously developed, in the midst of the struggle between the proletarian line and the bourgeois one, and in the storm of class struggle, mainly war, as the principal form of struggle, be it actual or potential. Regarding the Party, Chairman Mao starts from the necessity of the Communist Party, a new type of party, a party of the proletariat. Today, we would say a Marxist-Leninist-Maoist Party: a party whose aim is to conquer political power and to defend it, to which the People's War is inextricably bound. Let the Party initiate it, develop it, or wage it in order to defend itself; a party sustained by the masses of people, either by way of the People's War which is a war of the masses, or by the united front which, being a front of classes, is based on the broad masses. The Party develops and changes itself according to the stages of the revolution and the periods that these stages may have; and the motor of its development is the contradiction which materializes in its heart as the two-line struggle, the proletarian line and the bourgeois or in general anti-proletarian line, which is in essence mainly a struggle against revisionism. This leads to the decisive importance of ideology in the life of the party and to the development of rectification campaigns on behalf of a greater adjustment of all the systems of party organizations and the militancy of the just and correct ideological and political lines, also on behalf of the predominance of the proletarian line and the maintenance of the Party leadership in its iron grip. The Party serves the establishment of proletarian political power, whether it be as the leading class of the New Democracy, and principally for the establishment of the proletarian dictatorship, its strengthening and development, and for the conquest through cultural revolutions of the great, final goal: Communism. On account of this, the Party has to lead everything. The revolutionary army is of a new type, it is an army for the fulfillment of the political tasks that the Party establishes in accordance with the interests of the proletariat and of the people, a character concretely expressed in three tasks: to combat, to produce in order to pose no parasitical burden, and to mobilize the masses. It is an army based on the political construction starting from the proletariat's ideology (of today), from Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, and from the general political line as well as from the military one that the Party may establish. It is an army based on people and not on weapons, an army that has come forth from the masses with whom it has always been linked, serving them wholeheartedly, which allows it to move within their bosom like the fish in the water. Without a people's army the people have nothing, says Chairman Mao, at the same time teaching us the necessity of the Party's absolute leadership over the army and setting up his great principle: The Party commands the gun and we will never permit it to be otherwise. Besides having thoroughly established the principles and norms for the construction of a new type of army, the Chairman himself called for warding off the employment of the army for the restoration of capitalism by usurping the leadership through a counterrevolutionary coup d'etat and, developing Lenin's thesis on the people's militancy, he carried out farther than anyone the general arming of the people, thus opening a breach and pointing out the path towards the armed sea of masses that will lead us to the definite emancipation of the people and the proletariat. It was Chairman Mao who for the first time developed a complete theory on the united front and established its laws. A front based on the worker-peasant alliance as a guarantee of the proletariat's hegemony in the revolution; a front of social classes led by the proletariat represented by the Communist Party; in synthesis, a united front under the leadership of the Communist Party, a united front for the People's War, for the revolution, for the seizure of power in favor of the proletariat and the people. Therefore, concretely, the united front is the grouping of the revolutionary forces against the counter-revolutionary forces in order to wage the struggle between revolution and counter-revolution mainly through the armed People's War. The united front, obviously, is not the same in every stage of the revolution and, furthermore, it has its specifications according to the various historical periods of each stage; likewise, the united front in a concrete revolution does not equal the one on a world level, although both follow the same general laws. Apart from this, it is important to emphasize the relation between the front and the State that Chairman Mao established when the war of resistance against Japan was evolving, setting forth that the united front is a form of joint dictatorship, a question that deserves to be especially studied by those who face democratic revolutions. THE PEOPLE'S WAR IS THE MILITARY THEORY OF THE INTERNATIONAL PROLETARIAT. In it are summarized, for the first time, in a systematic and complete form the theoretical and practical experience of the struggles, military actions, and wars waged by the proletariat, and the prolonged experience of the people's armed struggle and especially of the incessant wars in China. It is with Chairman Mao that the proletariat attains its military theory; nevertheless, there is a lot of confusion and misunderstanding on this issue. And much of it springs from how the people's war in China is seen. Generally, it is considered derisively and contemptuously as simply a guerrilla war; this alone denotes a lack of understanding that, as Chairman Mao points out, guerrilla warfare achieves a strategic feature; but furthermore, the development of guerrilla warfare is not understood as it exists, how due its essential fluidity, it develops mobility, a war of movements, of positions, of how it unfolds great plans of the strategic offensive and the seizure of small, mid-sized, and big cities, with millions of inhabitants, combining the attack from outside with the insurrection from within. Thus, in conclusion, the four periods of the Chinese revolution, and mainly from the agrarian war till the people's liberation war, considering the anti-Japanese war of resistance between both, shows the various aspects and complexities of the revolutionary war waged during more than twenty years amidst a huge population and an immense mobilization and participation of the masses. In that war there are examples of every kind; and what is principal has been extraordinarily studied and its principles, laws, strategy, tactics, rules, etc. masterfully established. It is, therefore, in this fabulous period of Marxism-Leninism that Chairman Mao established the military theory of the proletariat: the People's War. We must bear in mind that subsequently, the Chairman himself, aware of the existence of atomic bombs and missiles and with China possessing them, maintained and developed People's War in order to wage it under the new conditions of atomic weapons and of war against powers and super-powers. In synthesis, people's war is the weapon of the proletariat and of the people, even to confront atomic wars. A key and decisive question is the understanding of the universal validity of People's War and its subsequent application taking into account the different types of revolution and the specific conditions of each country. It will help solve this issue to consider that no insurrection like that of Petrograd, the anti-fascist resistance, and the European guerrillas movements in the Second World War have been repeated, as well as the armed struggles that are at present waged in Europe; and to see that, in the end, the October Revolution was not only an insurrection but a revolutionary war that lasted for several years. Consequently, in the imperialist countries the revolution can only be conceived as a revolutionary war and the latter is today simply the People's War. Finally, today more than ever, we the Communists and revolutionaries, the proletariat and the people, need to forge ourselves in: "Yes, we adhere to the theory of the omnipotence of the revolutionary war; it is good for the people, it is Marxist"; which signifies being adherents to the invincibility of the People's War. [This document is an extract from the "Fundamental Documents" written by the Central Committee of the PCP.] PART II to be continued... ================================Published by The New Flag 30-08 Broadway, Suite 159 Queens, NY 11106 E-Mail: lquispe-AT-nyxfer.blythe.org --- from list marxism-AT-lists.village.virginia.edu --- ------------------
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