From: MLuftmensch-AT-hubcap.mlnet.com (Michael Luftmensch) Subject: re-peru thread Date: 01 Mar 1996 05:11:20 GMT re-peru thread Chris, thank you for your reasoned response. In using the term "neutrality" I was not referring to the control of a given territory but to the control of a given population. I have read that Ayacucho, the PCP's Andean stronghold, has emptied out over the past decade. Aprox. 70 per cent of the population has fled the war for the cities on the coast. So to some extent, the water in which the fish swim has in fact dried up. While it has become apparent to me that the army's policy of establishing armed bands is responsible for the escalation of violence in the countryside, the PCP response seems to me to be one that does not allow for the counter-efficacy of armed struggle. I quoted at length from the Americas Watch report about the MRTA and the Ashaninka in order to show a pattern common to a lot of the violence in rural Peru - as presented in Peru Under Fire. The area in question, the coca-rich Huallaga Valley, is the most economically dynamic in the country. Unsavory alliances seem to go with the territory. Could it be otherwise? When I wrote about an incident being "characteristic" I was not referring to the PCP per se, but to the reports of PCP-linked atrocities in the Americas Watch report. There is a great difference, and I am sorry that I didn't make that clearer. (By "en masse," I meant, in a body. A dozen peasants killed en masse means a dozen peasants killed at once. I don't think this is hyperbole.) That aside, I found most of your comments to be on the mark. The situation is murky, and the authorities have considerable reason to make it even more so. However, I find it hard to judge the degree of popular support for the PCP in Peru. The fact that the organization relies on "armed strikes" in the cities makes me pause. Adolfo Oleachea has branded me a "Groucho Marxist" - an appellation I am willing to own up to. We Grouchoists tend to empathize with the plight of the defenceless. Likewise, we harbour deep suspicions about those who speak in the name of the people, particularly when war is involved. Groucho Marx said: I've worked myself up into a state of extreme poverty. In regard to Peru, Grouchoists tend to see the Conquest as bringing the country's feudal relations to an end by binding it to the emerging world market. What followed was the underdevelopment of Peru: a state of extreme poverty. While the PCP is fighting against the ravages of underdevelopment in Peru, their remedy seems to belong to another age. Grouchoists see Marxism-Leninism as an ideology of national development, let's call it the socialist transition to capitalism. Developmentalism has proven to be an illusory option. Long before the Soviet Union collapsed, socialist governments in Eastern Europe and military juntas in South America found themselves adopting the same export-orientations. The coca policy of the PCP in the Haullaga Valley seems to be yet one more example of this. While appreciating Marx's critique of political economy, much of which is just as valid today as it was a century ago, I find it unreasonable to ignore the process of militarization that has taken place over the past hundred years. In Marx's time, it seemed reasonable to envision a revolutionary scenario in which arms would be distributed to the masses. But wars are no longer fought with bayonets and muskets. Waging a people's war in a country like China, which in Mao's time was over 80 per cent rural, is a very different proposition from doing so in contemporary Peru, which is over 75 per cent urban. Although it may be "philistine and post-modernist" to say so, the terrain of a city is very different from that of a rural area. Likewise, the response that can be anticipated by a modern army to armed insurrection in a city - witness Chechnia - has far reaching implications. When Adolfo Oleachea belittles the threat of aerial bombardment - "a fat lot of good it did them in Vietnam" - we Grouchoists can't help thinking about the millions killed and wounded. (To say nothing, for the moment, of the country's policy in the nineties vis a vis US imperialism.) At the same time, we have seen unarmed masses face down a modern army in more than one city over the past two decades. I am not trying to establish a golden rule. The violence of everyday life in Peru is unbearable. That is very clear to me. But what alternative does the PCP offer? I was particularly interested in your question of how, if the PCP came to power, it would defend Peru from the pressure of international finance capital, and ensure that there is no famine in Peru. I understand, from Adolfo's response, and from the PCP program, that the PCP has no answer to this question. The only response I can imagine, other than a Cambodia-like scenario, is one that involves the entire region. But thus far, the PCP does not seem capable of building bridges in Peru, let alone to Latin America. This stands in sharp contrast to the Zappatistas and I think there's a salutary lesson to be drawn from this. I don't think it is about the legitimacy of armed struggle - a question which must be answered in a concrete context - but rather, about popular democratic mobilization as opposed to authoritarian organization. Such, I confess, are my Grouchoist sympathies. My Harpoesque tendencies seem to just reinforce these feelings. luftmensch p.s. - re-shiny shit: there's a S. American saying to the effect that if shit ever acquires any value in this world, the poor will be born without assholes. --- from list marxism-AT-lists.village.virginia.edu --- ------------------
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