From: Luis Quispe <lquispe-AT-blythe.org> Subject: U.S. Left: Revolution or Reformism (3) Date: Sun, 18 Aug 1996 22:50:32 -0400 (EDT) Unity & Struggle: Revolution or Reformism HOW DO THE MASSES IN THE U.S. VIEW ELECTIONS? Part 3 of a series of 4 articles In general, the poor are less likely to vote. Revisionists attempt to bring them to the ballots to vote for the "lesser of the two evils," the Democratic Party or for a "Rainbow Coalition," however, these reactionary efforts have been futile. Younger people are also increasingly skeptical about voting, causing much consternation among the ruling class. The fact that the masses already have some understanding of the bankruptcy of bourgeois democracy works in our favor. We should not give them false hopes by urging them to participate in elections. Do Not Vote, Build the Communist Party for Revolution! THE TWO PARTY SYSTEM. Yes. Lenin participated in the reactionary parliament, as long as Communist parliamentarians upheld principles and did not become traitors and social chauvinists. However, the old Russian Duma at least allowed for multiple parties to be elected parliamentary representatives based on their share of the vote. Thus, they have measured their strength among the masses in non-revolutionary times. However, the two party system practiced by the U.S. ruling class virtually eliminates the chance of participation and the illusory "victory" through the ballots. Only opportunists and revisionists would believe otherwise. VOTER REGISTRATION DRIVES Whenever the oppressed masses rebel against imperialism, isn't there always an effort by the bourgeois media and the people's "representatives" to stress voter registration? Is this a way of focussing the anger of the oppressed to bring them to a higher level of political consciousness and activity? Or does it serve to deliver the political energy of the masses into a harmless effort? Only Communists can take up the task of turning spontaneous anger into organized rebellion. How can voter registration serve as something more than a tool to strengthen bourgeois illusions among the masses? Opportunists and revisionists have been saying for decades that some voter registration drives are important because they mobilize the masses. For example, the Jesse Jackson campaigns of 1984 and 1988, mobilized masses of Black people to vote, many for the first time. Most of the tiny Left tailed after this movement in some way or another, like the CPUSA, the New Alliance Party, SWP, WWP, etc. The question we raise is: how many of the Black people mobilized by "leftist" activists in support of Jesse Jackson later became Communists? Lenin was clear on the need to work in reactionary parliaments and elections, under certain conditions, with the goal of winning over the backward workers to revolution and Communism; but after participating in each election, how many were won over to Communist positions through these campaigns? The fact of the matter is that these participations have served only the interests of the Democratic Party. It seems to us that an emphasis on voter registration merely puts Communists at the service of the bourgeoisie. In instances where the masses are actively prevented from voting by the bourgeoisie (such as the struggles in South Africa or during the Civil Rights movement in the U.S.,) may have served to foment revolutionary aspirations, but we must learn from the relative flexibility of the racist bourgeoisie in channeling these movements, to recognize what tactics are helpful and what are not. Their tactics have changed, so ours must change too. CONCLUSIONS If the masses are "legally" curtailed to vote, struggles for the right to vote, like elections themselves, are not reactionary in principle. There have been times, chiefly in relation to the national liberation struggles such as during Reconstruction and during the Civil Rights movement, where these were important mass movements that served as the concrete form of struggle of the masses. However, nowadays, the question is how to lead these struggles for economic and political demands, toward revolutionary goals, mainly to conquer power. As part of the national liberation movement of the 1960s, many embraced the strategy of electing Black officials, many of them more avowed anti-communists, which has clearly enabled the bourgeoisie to create a more "legitimate" and "colorblind" form of oppression and exploitation that sought to neutralize the class rage of Black people, especially the youth. For Communists today, the question of participation in elections is a reformist issue that educates the masses in legal illusions and leads to the conservation of the capitalism system. In this context, the participation of U&S and other groups will be irrelevant to the class interests, since there is nothing to gain from it. WHY THE "LEFT" IS IRRELEVANT IN THE U.S. Have U&S studied and learned the lessons of history? Why did the revisionist CPUSA collapse? Why can't the RCP (not to mention the reactionary sects MIM or SWP) uphold the red flag of proletarian internationalism? Have U&S made an objective study of U.S. imperialism? What must to be done in this imperialist country? Let's begin with the subjective factors we believe have caused the failure of the "left." 1. The revisionist ideology. The poisonous influence and dependence on Soviet-imperialists of the ilk of Khrushchev and its surrogates: Castro, Che Guevara, etc. The revisionist ideology has liquidated all the mass organizations in which the CPUSA had influence. [For ideological preparation study the program of the CP of China, 1976, and the Program of the PCP, 1988] 2. The petit-bourgeois component of the leadership that reflected its petit-bourgeois conceptions in the masses. 3. The bulk of the militants who suffered from the grave inadequacy of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, primarily a Maoist ideology. Maoist literature was officially banned by the 4. No mass work. A Party cannot consist of masses, but must have a mass character. If not, the Party will be dominated by abstractedness and subjectivity. The PCP teaches that first comes action, then theory is straightened and corrected. First, ingrain yourself in the masses, then develop and apply the theory. Under the above conditions, it is not possible to form the United Front. And it is impossible to undertake the constitution or reconstitution of the Party. Without working with the correct ideology (MLM), without the oppressed masses being involved, which is the real future of the Party to be formed, and its only possible sound foundation, any effort to unite the "advance" will fail. In addition to the danger of imperialist ideology, the main danger of U&S and its young allies now is Revisionism, which is the form of opportunism in the working class and communist movement. It is capitalist ideology which revises basic Marxist principles adopting the phraseology and appearance of Marxism in order to do so. Here, we list the revolutionary tasks to be done: 1. The working class must have a vanguard party based on MLM, mainly Maoism. Both leadership and cadre must grasp the basis of Maoism. 2. Create new forms of struggle. The great majority of the old and rotten "Communist Parties" are naturally dying in the U.S. Let's learn from their mistakes. Create new forms of struggle. Don't do what they did wrong. We know that they lacked a correct line, that should be our focus. 3. Practice proletarian internationalism. The Marxist-Leninist concept has been abandoned. It has developed into Marxism- Leninism-Maoism, it's a scientific advance. It is proven in practice. Look and learn the theory of the People's War in Peru and the World People's War. Uphold the PCP's red flag, and do not hesitate a minute in doing so, it is also yours! 4. Build a Party. Patch work with splinters groups paralyzes work. Work with what you have. Practice determines a correct line. This is proven by the dialectics of social development. Masses make history. In the course of the mass struggle, the Party (or the leading organizing Committee of the Party), works to impart its higher consciousness to the backward segments of the masses, but in order to do this, the Party must learn from the masses, must understand each stage of consciousness of all social strata of the working class as well as the other social classes, must study and "follow" each initiative of the working class. The Party does not invent forms of struggle, the masses do. The Party leads and channels it. For example, how were the People's Committees and the New Power generated? The PCP did not invent them, but it has analyzed the initiative of the masses. How were the Soviets developed? Neither Lenin nor the Bolshevik Party invented them. They were created spontaneously by the masses to be the form of future Proletarian dictatorship. Lenin knew how to learn from the masses, that's why he became their greatest teacher. That's why, Chairman Gonzalo, the President of the New Power in Peru states: "Leadership must be forged from the masses to the masses." This is very consistent with the PCP mass line. "Thus, emphasizing the necessity, importance and immensity of the theoretical work of the Social Democrats, I do not have the least desire to suggest that this work must take precedence over practical work (1), still less that the latter be postponed until the former is completed. Only those who admire the `subjective method in Sociology' or the followers of Utopian Socialism could arrive at such a conclusion." [Lenin's footnote. On the contrary, the practical work of propaganda and agitation must always take precedence because; 1) theoretical work only provides a reply to the problems that practical work raises and, 2) the Social Democrats, for reasons over which they have no control, are too often compelled to confine themselves to theoretical work not to value highly every moment when practical work becomes possible." Continue.. The New Flag. --- from list marxism-AT-lists.village.virginia.edu ---
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