Date: Tue, 20 Aug 1996 14:07:53 -0800 From: djones-AT-uclink.berkeley.edu (rakesh bhandari) Subject: Re: Aufheben Will, I am happy to see you back, though I find this essay superficial in many important ways. >I have been reading the extended article titled: >'Decadence:The Theory of Decline or the the decline of theory?' >in the magazine Aufheben which has been produced in Brighton, >England annually for the last four years. The article is a critical >review of Marxist theories of capitalist decline stretching from >Engels and the 2nd International through Kautsky, Hilferding, >Lenin, Trotsky, Luxemburg, Grossman, Mattick and Paanekoek to >the Autonomists, Socialism ou Barbarismand Radical Changes. >It is the most comprehensive, well written and well rsearched >review of Marxist economic theory I've read...has any body else# >read it?? >From the first half of the essay: "The position of the follower of Grossman is thus: 1/We have an understanding of economics that shows capitalist is declining, heading inexorably towards breakdown. 2/This shows the necessity of a political revolution to introduce a new economic order. The theory of politics has an external relation to the economic understanding of capitalism. Orthodox theories of capitalist crisis accept the reduction of working class activity to the activity of capital. The only action against capital is a political attack on the system which is seentoto happen when the system breakds down." This is one of the crassest readings of Grossmann ever proferred. 1. Quoting Lenin, Grossmann insists that there is *always* a way out of crisis (as does his student William J Blake in Marxian Economic Theory and its Criticism, 1939). This way may of course be through war, the resulting devaluations of capital, and the possibility of renenwed accumulation on that basis. See here Paul Mattick's 1981 discussion in *Economic Crisis and Crisis Theory*. Moreover, Grossmann explains that an uncontested reduction of the wage below the value of labor power would allow capital to prolong its life, as well as parastic rent-seeking behavior in the colonized world (he gives the example of murderous British policies in India for which Grossmann could have found further confirmation in RC Dutt's 1904 Economic History of India, vol II). While Grossmann argues that there is a tendency towards catastrophe against what he calls the neo-harmonist interpretations of Otto Bauer (see Grossmann's criticism of his reproduction schemes and note Bauer's own political shifts by 1937) and Hilferding (note Grossmann's severe criticism of Hilferding's thesis of stabilization putuatively brought on by the control of an autonomous finance capital and the possibility of peaceful socialization thereof) , he insists that the system, no matter how objectively weakened, still has to be (and can be) overthrown. There is no point in turning Grossmann's work into a simple positive theory of breakdown and abtracting it from its negative or critical function via-a-vis the revisionist theories of accumulation and crisis. Moreover, HG subjects to criticism even Rosa Luxemburg's theory of collapse as implying what is being called here an external political theory (this is especially well brought out by Blake). A careful reading of Grossmann's text, as well as the implicit and explicit discussions of it in Wm J Blake, Roman Rosdolsky and Paul Mattick, has obviously been felt to be unnecessary by the *Aufhebung* writers. 2. This criticism suffers from complete neglect of the untranslated final chapter and thus the political conclusions of Grossmann's magnum opus, though the writer reads German. Politics as external to economics?! Grossmann only recognizes the final struggle?! As HG writes, the political significance of the breakdown theory lay in its demonstration that the final goal of the abolition of capitalism is "not an ideal imported into the workers' movment 'from outside' by way of speculation, whose realization is reserved for the distant future independent of the struggles of the present" but "the result of the immediate class struggles of everday life." Grossmann's conclusion is the exact opposite of what the writer here attributes to him! See Rick Kuhn's discussion of Grossmann last year in *Science and Society*. 3. What does the writer mean that Grossmann accepts working class activity as only the activity of capital? Actually Grossmann is arguing against the reduction of working class activity to mere trade union and electoral politics. This is the gist of his argument against Bauer against whom this criticism may apply and who, as already noted, was forced to rethink his position (see his writings in Austro Marxism, ed. Tom Bottomore and Patrick Goode). The Aufhebung writer continues: "Grossmann's theory represent one of the most comprehensive attempts to declare Marx's Capital a complete *economics* providing the blueprint of capitalist collapse. He insists that "economic Marxism, as it has been betqueathed to us, is neither a fragment nor a torso, but represetns in the main a fully elabored system, that is, one without flaws.' This insistence on seeing Marx's *Capital* as a complete work providing the proof of capitalism's decay and collapse is an essential feature of the worldview of objectivist marxists. It means that he connection between politics and economics is obviously an external one. This is wrong: the connection is internal but to grasp this requires the recognition that *Capital* is seentially incomplete and that the completion of the project requires an understanding of the political economy of the working class not just that of capital. But Grossman has categorically denied the possibility of this by his insistence that *Capital* is essentially a complete work." 1. How does Grossmann go about showing that *Capital* is a complete 'economic' work? This the writer should have asked himself. Grossmann shows against several charges that Marx's Capital actually includes a theory of the business cycle, a theory of competition, a theory of foreign trade, a theory of the wage, etc. All these were claimed to be lacunae in Marx's *Capital*. Grossmann showed otherwise (or at least he tried to, so even if he failed there needs to be more careful assesment of his actual arguments). All this speaks to the historic significance of this still untranslated work in unabridged form. What a shame! 2. There is another reason why Grossmann at times abstracts from political struggle against the system (this is so he can go about isolating and examining the different functions of capital in its three circuits and the different mechanisms which can be used as countertendencies to which he devotes about 300 pages). At times he also abstracts from the impact of non-capitalist systems on the functioning of capitalism. He considers this to be part of an analytical procedure but he always pitches back into the orbit of living human beings, their needs and the bases of their everyday battles and the possibilities of *accelerating* their translation into revolutionary struggle. Here he insists that workers themselves must learn to think dialectically and as comes out in his 1943 essays he is very close to a Hegelian conception of praxis. 3. As for the objectivist worldview, well, yes, Mattick did show thirty years ago that the instumentalities of Keynesianism and the mixed economy would not prove in the long run to be sufficient to overcome the trade cycle and the tendencies towards catastrophe inherent in the system, as the culmination of the Great Depression in world war had shown. Does this imply passivity? Really quite the oppositie. This is only to clarify that the emancipation of the working class remains its own task and cannot be passed on to technocratic managment of society, which seems to have the been the object of Foucault's critique of governmantality in his late years as well. 4. There is a real neglect of the relationship of Grossman's breakdown theory to those "Kantian" theories which attempted to derive the ethical necessity for socialism. Yet this is what he is also polemicizing against and it speaks again to how Grossmann was attempting to find the basis of revolution from the concrete struggles within the system, instead of importing speculative ideals from the noumenal (?) realm or writing cookbooks for the socialism of the future. Yet this is what the writer from Aufhebung says about Luxemburg, the most splendid of rebels, and Grossmann, the main voice to recover the revolutionary thrust of Marx's *Capital*. They had tried "to provide a materialist basis for the necessity of socialism. In this task they were in opposition to those who had started by trying to ground the socialist project on moral or subjective grounds but had ended up compromising totally with capitalism." This is simple slander! And outrageous in its falsity. Luxemburg compromised totally with capitalism! Grossmann who polemicized against right wing social democracy in the form of Hiferding, Bauer, Kautsky and others compromised totally with capitalism?! And here is the *Aufhebung* conclusion: "The radical needs of the proletariat that arise within capitalism are material forces, and it on these forces rather simply their reified expression in the categories of *Capital* that the communist project is based." Now there is a serious attempt to actually work out this claim in Felton Shortall's *The Incomplete Marx* (Averbury, 1995). Let it be noted that Grossmann makes it clear that the greatest argument for revolutionary politics is that it not only stunts further human development but begins to roll back whatever advances in culture and all-sided development workers have fought for and gained. He makes clear that capital does this because it necessarily strives to reduce the human being to an object which can be exploited at the increased rate required to generate surplus value out relatively fewer productive workers which (surplus value) is sufficient in mass for the continued accumulation of capital. He does make the claim that what objectively allows the capitalist system to be overthrown is that in the way of this fully reified world are the workers and their needs, from the simplest to the highest, which cannot be met in this system, even through right wing social democratic electoral and trade union reforms. The workers' future and development thus becomes their own task. And however much Grossmann considered workers only in their relation to the valorization of capital--and not in terms of needs which arose against the system, though he *did* show the system necessarily turned viciously against the satisfaction of human needs and human development at a late stage of development--he did make clear that the working class would find no professional doctors or saviors from above. To impute to him pacifist or passivist politics is erroneous in the extreme. Moreover, I think it needs to be clarified what it means to refer to the categories of *Capital* as reified. After all, Marx is reconceptualizing the practice which is desribed differently in bourgeois economics and everday life. Where in these discourses, capital appears as essentially an exchange relation, Marx redesribes it in terms of surplus value and thus as a system of class exploitation, in which CAPITAL, albeit a product of alienated human activity in determinate social relations, has actually becomes the Subject of society. The *reification* is not in Marx's Capital, which is instead a defetishizing critique, especially as reconstructed in Postone's Time, Labor and Social Domination. Rakesh --- from list marxism-AT-lists.village.virginia.edu ---
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