File spoon-archives/marxism.archive/marxism_1996/96-09-marxism/96-09-05.234, message 114


Date: Thu, 5 Sep 96 15:02 MET DST
From: dhkc-AT-ozgurluk.xs4all.nl (DHKC informationbureau Amsterdam)


THE HUNGER STRIKE TILL DEATH HAS STRENGTENED THE WAVE OF THE
REVOLUTION IN THE CONSCIENCE OF THE PEOPLE

There are moments in history on which the events of a 20 years can be
condensed in 2 days. When we look at the events in history, we see
they all have a previous history. But in certain phases they emerge in
the proper light.

The hunger strike till death of 1996 is such an event. It not an
event, suddenly appearing out of nowhere. This great resistance is
based on the many years which formed the conscience of the people, in
which the organised conditions were created, the fighters were
prepared, and the proper policy was put on the agenda. These years
contain: the resistance in the dungeons of the military junta, which
took human lives, the guerrilla war with thousands of deaths, the
society of the 90’s, the years of the growth of the revolutionary
movement which shook the whole country, the activities of the
political prisoners which led to freedom, and the heroism of the
revolutionaries who fought from their bases for legitimacy and
determination.

Furthermore, ideologically and practically war was declared against
the rulers of the world, the uprising in Gazi and MayDay 1996 are
examples for this. It's not possible to understand and explain this
great resistance without looking at the historical background. Petite
bourgeois reformism could neither understand the beginning of the
hunger strike till death, nor the end. The labelled this event as a
mere “duel and an adventure”. But they as well are, like all, under
the enormous influence of the hunger strike till death.

However, it's doubtful whether they will ever understand the hunger
strike till death. The hunger strike till death is a form of action
which is characteristic for Turkey with its political quality and its
effects. Since the 80's the left in Turkey pursued a line which is a
scarcity in the world. It's a challenge and a victory against
death. The challenge contains a strong conviction in revolution and
socialism. This tradition in Turkey has demanded many sacrifices. The
revolutionary movement from Devrimci Sol to the DHKP-C has given the
most martyrs in this struggle. The foundation for this was created by
the special way of working in those long years, with tenacity and
determination. The phase in the beginning of the 90's, the war of the
oligarchy against the people and the revolutionaries, plays a decisive
role in this. It was a phase in which socialism and the national
liberation movements world-wide suffered defeat, but this has put the
revolutionary struggle and the ideological resistance in Turkey in a
special position. Many left movements in Turkey suffered from this
defeat as well. The oligarchy in Turkey had to ask themselves many
times how it was possible that some left movements expanded the
struggle, while many other left organisations were affected by this
defeat. The resistance by the people's liberation fighters astonished
the rulers. While imperialism attacked the peoples world-wide, there
were revolutionaries in Turkey who had the courage to fight against
imperialism. This determined resistance is a result of a long an firm
struggle. While socialism was declared "defunct", we shouted "Long
live socialism". In our bases we raised the flag of socialism with the
hammer and the sickle. We represented Marxism-Leninism, while the
bourgeois and petite bourgeois intellectuals, guided by imperialism,
declared the socialist ideology to be dead.

Against this degeneration we upheld justice, the socialist morale,
honour and loyalty. Without these, the proletariat and socialism can
not be represented. Without these, we could not have become
communists, we could not have become the hope of the people. With
these ethics and morale, even one step sufficed to become a communist.

Within the left in Turkey rejection prevailed, a kind of hidden
Trotskyism. They regressed into a superficial materialism. They
rejected morale, every form of obligation, feelings, homeland, nation,
and even almost the expression "martyr". This led to a break with the
people.

When we look at this phase in the perspective of the prisons, a
history developed, stretching from the hunger strike till death in
1984, through numerous acts of resistance and liberation, on to the
barricades in Buca and Umraniye. Even when one is imprisoned, the
connection with the struggle of the people and the strive for the
revolution are not broken. The dungeons were transformed into schools
of the revolution, the petite bourgeois, reformist and loyal to the
system theories about the dungeons were disproved.

The expression "Free Prisoner" was defined by the martyrs. The victory
in the hunger strike till death is an ideological one. The hunger
strike till death has given the values and tradition, handed over by
the people to the revolutionaries, back to the people.

Now the questions arise: With or without morale? Where is the justice?
What does loyalty to the homeland and the people mean? What is the
belief in the revolution and socialism? All these questions are
answered in the struggle of the hunger strike till death. The struggle
will shape according to it. That's the revolution. These are the
demands of the people as well. This will power will conduct the
revolution. The new society will emerge with this new moral and
personality.

Firmly and consciously we have put these values, which were to be
forgotten, in front. Now they are taken up again. This is an
ideological influence, constitutes ideological leadership. This
gladdens us very much, because this conveyance will lead to the
revolution. In this transfer we have seen a strengthening of the
revolution and the revolutionary movement. People who ignore the
conclusion that Turkey is close to a revolution, will see that this
conclusion is correct. This is not a theoretical discussion. The wave
of the revolution is nothing more than these facts. The wave of the
revolution has reached the conscience of the people. Only in this
manner can the death of these people be explained. The explanation of
the spreading of heroism. This is a wave which defeats the strength of
the enemy, a wave which will be carried into the streets.

Almost all factions of the left in Turkey observe a political and
economic crisis. They speak of poverty and violence. But a large part
overlooks the effects of poverty and violence on the people, because
they have become estranged from the people. Often they do not see the
growing discontent and anger because they are afraid of the
consequences. These left circles have through the ages followed a
pessimistic line. They say the people are still backward and the
people are not prepared yet for a revolution. They think it is
impossible to carry out a revolution with the people. Because they do
not see the revolutionary dynamics in Turkey, they do not believe
people are able to die for their conviction. They can not understand
that they can determine the revolutionary agenda. An earthquake like
the hunger strike till death and the depths of its effects are
incomprehensible to them. MayDay and Gazi are equally misunderstood by
these left circles.

They do not see the determined march of the people towards death, they
do not want to see it. They try to explain everything with theories
about "suburbs and youth". Under these conditions they can only show
sensibility or come up with proposals by saying: "O, no. We can not
have these people die. The hunger strike till death must be stopped."
Whatever these circles call themselves, their policy remains within
the framework of bourgeois humanism. And so they protect the existing
regime.

It's no coincidence that the only thing you hear from the mouth of
these circles is that the hunger strike must be stopped. They often
issued calls of which it was unclear who they were meant for. It's
true, nobody should die, but why do people die, who are the people
that die, who is responsible for this death-trap? What doe these
people want to say by dying? We should we have done, when we should
not die, should not struggle? Suppose we say: We will not fight, we
will not resist radically anymore, we even withdraw. What do you want
to do? What will you do? When these people wouldn't fight, wouldn't
die, you would do nothing at all today. In your present condition you
are not needed by the oligarchy, they will not even let you have your
party buildings and associations.

In the conscience of the people a revolutionary wave surges. This is
the fact, made clear by the hunger strike till death. This is the
conviction of the revolution. The task of the revolutionary movements
is now to make this manifest. We are writing history. In this history
people fall, but despite the fallen there is a struggle which can not
be stopped, a struggle which grows with every martyr.
 
A tradition has been created in the mass resistance and by the
guerrilla. From the course of an action, the people can recognise it
was carried by the fighters of the Party-Front, the fighters of the
Party-Front are upholding the flag of socialism and they are enlarging
the struggle, while the whole world dissociates form socialism. While
the number of organisations who talk about socialism is dropping
world-wide, this number is increasing in Turkey. The revolutionaries
and the people are shedding their blood for this.  All those who want
the revolution, who organise the people and who want to lead the
revolution, will want this history.
 
Also Yunus Arguc, ordered by the EP (Labour Party), to attack the
hunger strike till death, is afraid of this history. There is blood
one can not play with. Despite the treacherous liquidation attempts
also Mahir, Deniz and Ibo could not be eradicated form
history. Therefore our history can not be eradicated. Therefore nor
the censorship of the oligarchy, nor the walls of the dungeons can
detain us. Many left groups are lately criticised as imitations. They
are accused of copying the DHKP-C. As criticism this can hardly be
taken serious. Important is what is being copied. Something good?
Something positive or something negative? When a revolutionary
tradition and a revolutionary line are taken over, then where is the
problem? Of course, nobody can develop further by copying. A
imitation, based on competition behaviour can not develop further
neither. Nobody should have a complex when he takes the positive
tradition and carries it further, independent of which movement or
organisation has created it. Those who accuse and criticise others
should explain which characteristics they have developed. Some
overlook the positive development on purpose and they try to tear
apart the coalitions which have emerged. These groups should know that
this method rather weakens them, in stead of strengthening them.

The revolutionary movement in Turkey has a character which has been
struggling for the past 30 years with conviction and determination.

This history has overcome many phases. She tried to find her own way,
despite the ideological sieges, and physical losses. Our revolution is
strong and full of lessons. The left is trying to find a new identity
today. They are in a ideological chaos, because they can not establish
continuity and because there are gaps in their ideological history,
culture and tradition.

This strength can be found in the ideology and tradition of the
revolutionary movement. Together with those who once, in 1984, called
the hunger strike till death "suicide" and "murder", we now jointly go
towards death. For us this is an honour. It's a great step for the
left which will lead it to its real identity. They have taken the step
which breaks dogmas, because the action itself is not a dogma.

In Marxism itself, the hunger strike till death is not known. Until
now it has been said that the hunger strike is a passive form of
resistance. What is passive, and what is active? This action has had
many more political effects than numerous armed and other kind of
active actions, Against the enemy it has fulfilled the function of an
attack.

The war and the resistance force in fact the limits of theory. There
is a fact which does not need discussion: those who went into the
hunger strike till death are a dynamic part of the revolution in
Turkey. Organisations, representing the armed struggle, have been
continuing to do so firmly for years. Some do not advocate the armed
struggle, true, but they resist legalisation. They continue to
organise illegally against fascism. They are conscious that the
revolution can be achieved from this base. They did not come together
in the hunger strike till death by coincidence. This effect could be
seen in the hunger strike till death.

The hunger strike till death is a victory we have won. We must defend
the victory of the hunger strike till death against the bourgeoisie,
against the Islamic ideology, against reformism and against the
existing system from an ideological view. We have to transform the
victory unceasingly to organise and mobilise the masses for the
struggle. But doing so, we may not neglect the further development of
our own base. We must not get drunk with joy about the victory, it
must not harm our action coalition. How did we achieve this victory?
That's what we have to ask ourselves constantly. What period have we
overcome? What experiences have brought us this victory?  What have we
represented and carried out in these years of experiences? In our view
an evaluation of this phase should be on the agenda of all
revolutionary movements. The development of the hunger strike till
death is a stage of expansion of the struggle. Without appropriate
evaluation, it would be impossible to expand the action
coalition. Without this, the struggle can not be expanded. We have
seen examples for this often enough.  The hunger strike till death '96
is the strength of the left in Turkey, and furthermore, she is the
strength of the revolution in Turkey. She is not weak, as is claimed,
she is rather obvious proof that the revolution in Turkey is not
far. After Gazi and MayDay '96 the strength of the revolutionary
movement became apparent in another form and in another place. It's a
development on a equal base. The left in Turkey will march towards
revolution on this basis. Therefore the character of this line must be
judged an evaluated correctly. The coalition and the strength of the
left revolutionaries in Turkey are on this line. This is were the
joint struggle is waged. This line contains the determination to
defeat death together. On this line, one will go over form the defence
to the offensive against the oligarchy. On this line the legitimacy
continues to oppose the bourgeois and to mobilise the masses. This
line has overcome the passivity through the struggle by the people,
through the unceasing resistance that was waged, it gave strength for
the revolution.

Of course, the discussions about strategy and tactics won't stop. No
matter what strategies are defended, for those who intend to expand
the struggle by the people, who want to build the people's power, it
is a fact that they have to march on on this line. The other roads
lead to the system.  The left in Turkey has inherited a great
tradition through the hunger strike till death.

And so the bond between the revolutionary forces and the people have
grown stronger. This action has made the masses clear that they are
the alternative for the existing system. This is a important and
correct conclusion. We have to expand this conclusion with the
following: the left in Turkey carries, because of the achieved
victory, an even greater responsibility. She may not drawn in this
responsibility, she must use the political effects of the hunger
strike till death to organise the masses, to expand the struggle, to
achieve political and practical successes.
 
Not to drawn in this responsibility means understanding this victory
in the right sense.

The Revolutionary People's Liberation Party-Front, with al its
fighters in- and outside of the prisons, carries, with its hundreds of
martyrs in 10 years, the tradition of resistance and war, waged in
'84, and since '90 made into a symbol of its struggle. They carry this
direction with it's legitimate struggle and with the perspective, the
building of the revolutionary people's power, as the "Free Prisoners"
inside the dungeons.

The fighters created a tradition: in stead of surrender, demand
surrender form the enemy. This tradition was created through the
ideological superiority.

They will also carry the honour of having co-organised and realised
the hunger strike till death '96.  It is a great strength to carry
this tradition.

It is a victory and a honour to carry this history with its heroic
resistance to the top.

But the revolution gives the opportunity, and it demands, to reach
even higher zeniths. The DHKP-C is conscious of this responsibility,
that's why we do not regard this resistance is having come to an end,
and we see it as our task to continue the resistance everywhere,
expand it in all places.  Our revolution will expand.

The development of Gazi, through MayDay '96, to the hunger strike till
death, can no longer be stopped. Our history and our martyrs won't
allow this. We want the revolution. We will march on this heroic way.

-- 
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