Date: Tue, 2 Apr 1996 00:17:39 -0800 (PST) Subject: DUMAIN & SATAN / BLAKE & MARX / THEORY & PRACTICE Tom Dillingham, I'm so flattered to be put in the company of Satan, but shouldn't you have titled your post "R. Dumain and J.V. Stalin"? Or "From Urizen to Stalin to -- Dumain"? Or "Opposition is True Friendship -- NOT!" You tremble over my soul day and night. Could there be a there a danger that in my self-righteous militancy, I will crash the Blake session at the next MLA meeting and mow everybody down with my AK-47? Am I the Chairman Gonzalo of amateur Blake Studies? Are such fantasies the stuff your dreams are made on? How rich your imaginative life! OK, let me tell you about my day, while you were biting your nails over my Satanism/Stalinism. Having been repeatedly annoyed by the butt-headed questions put to me by Maoists, CP-types, and various free-lance Reds over the years, like: why wasn't Blake a political activist, or he doesn't seem to have a political program in his prophecies, (Jack Lindsay whines about Blake's aloofness from political action in his bio as well), I decided to sit down and do some thinking about the relation between theory and practice (should one do this sitting down?), rather than to dismiss this silliness as I usually do. I asked myself: how would Marx, as a man of action, have addressed these questions? This is not the forum to recapitulate my study over the past two years of Marx's emergence from the Young Hegelians, but I did learn to ask certain questions that I don't think anyone has asked before, because I don't think anyone has properly understood the implications of Marx's early work for the future of cultural and intellectual work. Once people read the "Theses on Feuerbach", they think they have understood something, when they have understood nothing. What have they missed? The trail has faded away, and they don't know where to go. This is what I mean: Marx breaks with people that have influenced him up to a certain point, writes but does not publish in his own lifetime key works of his transition period, and then spends the rest of his life as a revolutionary and scientific investigator of political economy and the capitalist social formation, with little hobbies on the side involving mathematics, ethnography, literature, etc. People simply assume without thinking: well, if Marx wrote (but never published) that the point is to change the world (but he did not write: the point _of philosophy_ is to change the world), and that he underwent a transition from philosopher to revolutionary, then, by George, Marx would have wanted all composers, writers, playwrights, poets, choreographers, chess masters, stamp collectors, and what not, from here on in to marshal their various skills as instruments in the service of the Revolution and to join the cause; and, by gum, if they don't put their bodies on the line, their works are good for nothing. People assume this, because they are not using their brains. In fact, the implications of Marx's method for this issue have not begun to be studied. The only one I know who picked up the trail is C.L.R. James. Where I pick up the trail is with Marx's dealing with the Young Hegelians, from the positive incorporation of Feuerbach in the 1844 mss to the disposal of Bauer in THE HOLY FAMILY and the whole lot in THE GERMAN IDEOLOGY. And I note some very important things. That in every case, he does not merely criticize his fellow intellectuals for their personal political inaction, but for the sterility of their ideas. In fact, Marx diagnoses the sterility of their thinking in terms of the immobility and sterility of German society. This says something about theory and practice that nobody has bothered to analyze. It is so basic and simple, it has been entirely overlooked. Could it be otherwise? The complex is easy; the simple is hard and nobody pays attention. So I says to myself, we can see where the stasis in society and in society's intellectuals results in the stasis and eventual decay of their thinking. There are many examples among the German ideologists. So I asks myself: now how would this apply to the English? What does the political degeneration of Wordsworth and Coleridge have to do with the deterioration or ideologization of their imaginative vision later in life? And what are the consequences, if any, for Blake, who was a man of contemplation rather than of engagement with society on any terms other than doing commissioned artwork? I don't know if Thompson ever did any bellyaching, but Lindsay certainly did, showing once again the ruinous effects the Communist Party has on the human mind. But the proper way to approach this issue of theory and practice is not at all the way Lindsay approached it, but rather using the Hegelian method (loosely speaking) that Marx himself used. So far it seems to me Blake comes out looking pretty good. He does change later in life to some degree -- loses his enthusiasm for Paine, makes some quip to his younger acolytes that Jesus should never have got himself mixed up in politics -- but Blake's vision continues to mature; it does not deteriorate. Blake does not become Poet Laureate; his final station in life is not lichen tukhus of the State. And that is what a writer is supposed to provide -- no matter what else he do -- vision; drop science, however you want to put it: give people something with enough range and depth they can draw on for centuries. So I jotted down my notes on these ideas at my local, and then I worked out an analysis of "I asked a thief to steal me a peach." This evening I have been continuing my reading of a book that is just blowing me away: THE ROMANTIC IDEOLOGY: A CRITICAL INVESTIGATION by Jerome J. McGann (University of Chicago Press, 1983). So far McGann has not had much to say about Blake -- how could he? -- Blake is so far above the rest -- but he's kicking the ideological stuffings out of Coleridge and Wordsworth and many others, and making me want to rush out to get something by Heine. I'm so overwhelmed by all this stimulation, I'm getting a little verklempt. Talk amongst yourselves. PS: Yes, I've got a severe, chronic case of PMS, but irritation motivates me to work. I am hot to give error a definite form so that it may be cast off. Oy, be permanent, O State, so that I may deliver individuals evermore, amen. --- from list marxism2-AT-lists.village.virginia.edu ---
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