Date: Tue, 09 Apr 1996 19:20:43 -0600 Subject: McDonough - Rogers 2 From: Lisa Rogers To: STATE-DOMAIN.WPSMTP("TERRENCE.MCDONOUGH-AT-UCG.IE") Date: Wednesday, March 6, 1996 6:57 pm [following "part 2 of 3" thread] EVOLUTIONARY ECOLOGY METHOD TM: In setting up certain kinds of trade off are we constructing an argument which can predict ANY observed behaviour. Lisa: Well, I wouldn't put it that way. If I thought I was stuck with the meaningless tautologies of Panglossian neoclassicals, I wouldn't be in this business. When examining behavior in the light of evolution, the question at hand is 'what are the fitness-related costs and benefits of the immediately available options?' TM: Is a tradeoff between immediate nutritional intake (higher risk strategy) and variation-minimization (risk aversion) such a tradeoff? I seems to me you might be able to find two cultures in similar ecological circumstances, one with a high degree of sharing and one with a lower degree. In one can it be said that individuals are pursuing survival using a strategy of high risk, high caloric intake, while individuals in the other are pursuing maximal survival through a risk averse strategy. Or does such an observation of two cultures falsify the hypothesis? Lisa: [Actually, that's not the nature of the tradeoff, but for the sake of another argument...] I'd assume that there _is_ a fitness relevant difference between the two populations, that it _does_ make sense that they are acting differently, and that I just haven't figured it out yet. By the way, there is no reason that difference cannot be social. The behavior of conspecifics has enormous effects on fitness for any social individual, and the fitness effects of any given behavior are often very different for different individuals in different circumstances, hence the attention to age and sex differences. TM: My point here is that sharing exists on a continuum.... Tolerated theft appears not to account for one end of the continuum and as such is an incomplete theory. To state that degrees of sharing are controlled by a system of customary behaviour which is historically determined can potentially explain all the observed sharing behaviour. There is circularity here too but it is an acknowledged circularity. Lisa: Can it satisfactorily explain everything? The circularity problem begs for an answer - where does explanation begin? To say that 'culture made them do it' is simply to raise the question 'what makes culture?' My general answer to this one is a materialist one, that includes evolved, strategizing, self-interested creatures all using their big fat brains to try to get over. Rather than trying to go inside people's heads, where much of psych-soc-cultural-anthropology is, EvolEcol focuses on behavior, to see how far we can get by rejecting or ignoring cultural determinism. It may be said to abstract from all that business of intentionality, 'motivations', consciousness, etc. ASSUMPTIONS In the food example, the general evolutionarily based assumption is that resource choice, sharing, etc. will vary in several different ways [not only in the proportion of a specific load kept in one's own belly] with the fitness-related costs and benefits of each option. This is not a hypothesis that is up for falsification within Evolutionary Ecology, it is an explicit, examined, supportable assumption. The specific hypotheses to be examined [to guide data collection and to be evaluated in light of that data] and to be potentially falsified are about what exactly the tradeoffs are in specific time/place/circumstances. The answer is a kind of explanation of 'why' those animals do one thing rather than another. If a specific hypothesis under test is falsified, that does not mean that one should toss the whole theoretical framework. Instead, the results may indicate a better direction to look, in order to continue the process of trying to understand what is going on, in the light of evolution. > >LR: ... to the extent that anything is "inherited" evolutionary theory > itself provides the warrant for expecting that any propensities are > likely to be fitness-serving. TM: I think this is probably unwarranted. Many characteristics are probably irrelevant to fitness. Human hairlessness or the human chin for instance. Lisa: OK how about if I soften it up appropriately by saying that any behavioral propensities are likely to not harm one's expected relative fitness, and the same for morphological features. Does that help? And BTW, hairlessness, and the retention of head hair, do have fitness-related effects in terms of thermo-regulation. 'NATURE VS. NURTURE' TM: How does one distinguish between human behaviour which is biologically rooted and behaviour which is culturally determined. Or behaviour which can be substantially explained with reference to biology and behaviour which must be culturally explained. Lisa: How do _you_ distinguish between 'biologically vs. culturally determined behavior'? Part of the analytical gambit of EE is to say: what if we don't have to make that distinction? What if we don't get bogged down in that impossible question of drawing a line through an inseparable complex? What if we don't go into that question of 'if culture determines behavior, then what determines culture?' Can we make sense of some of what is going on without that? I think so, and there is a growing body of work available for evaluation, to see if there are some insights / understandings to be gained by going this route. I think there are. This method has the virtue of avoiding all the issues of informants lying to us, to each other, to themselves, and other biases notoriously introduced by interview methods. 'Tell me, elder, about all the taboos of your tribe'. How does that relate to actual behavior or real [ulterior? unconscious?] 'motives'? And so on. I think there is something unreplaceable to be gained by actual observation of actual behavior, and the data have often contradicted the story one gets from what people _say_ about their cultures. [continued] --- from list marxism2-AT-lists.village.virginia.edu ---
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