From: achekhov-AT-unity.ncsu.edu
Subject: Re: Who would you vote for?
Date: Tue, 28 May 1996 12:46:15 -0400 (EDT)


Ian Hunt wrote:
> 
>  Russian voters have a poor choice comparable to the poor choice which
> helps keep US voters away in droves. The RCP seems to be what used to be
> called in the thirties a "social fascist" party, Yeltsin is a Bonapartist,
> Zhirinovsky a plain fascist (illustrating the dictum that history always
> repeats itself, the first time being tragedy, the second, farce) and so it
> goes on. I don't envy Russian workers what they have to do to organise
> politically on their own behalf,
> Ian H.
> 
> 
> 
> 
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> 


This view of the present political conjuncture in Russia is, indeed, a
confirmation that history repeats itself. But only in our heads.  It was
German SD whom Stalinist Comintern called "social fascists." The "RCP" has
nothing to do with German SD if only because such party does not exist in
Russia.  The party behind Zyuganov is called the Communist Party of
Russian Federation (CPRF). It is one of 7-8 nation-wide communist parties
representing a wide range of ideological positions. 

Zyuganov's group in CPRF has nothing to do with communism.  It is a
logical outcome and a product of the former CPSU degradation and has to be
fought tooth and nail if there is any hope of building a new revolutionary
class organization of the Russian proletariat. Zyuganov himself is a
typical petty-bourgeois nationalist of a bureaucratic provenance who
preaches class harmony and corporate state. He is also an "ideological"
anti-Semite.  In short, Zyuganov is a disgrace for the working class who
gave the world Lenin, Trotsky, and the cohorts of other revolutionary
fighters for socialism. 

Yet we have what we have. The initiative remains firmly in the hands of
the counterrevolutionary "elites." The proletariat has so far failed to
become an independent political force in Russia. Thus, its tactics comes
to the following: to play off the different counterrevolutionary cliques
against one another by exploiting serious contradictions between them for
its own advantage and by gaining time in order to organize and learn the
science of class politics so that eventually to beat the hell out of them
all. 

Zyuganov intends to empower his sponsor, Russian industrial capital
against the presently dominant comprador sections of new bourgeoisie. 
This is good for the workers because it will stop the de-industrialization
of the country which threatens the class with its own disintegration. 
True, Zyuganov is also a serious threat to the workers, and I can imagine
a scenario in which his regime may resort to hanging communist workers on
the Moscow lanterns. But this scenario will come if at all only the day
after tomorrow which means that the workers will have a breathing space to
organize. 

On the other hand, should Eltsyn's regime stay in power it will inevitably
and already "tomorrow" become much more dictatorial. Its fascist
tendencies will become much more pronounced in the face of the increasing
resistance of the working class.  Its comrador, slavishly dependent on the
Western capital politics will continue to strengthen the positions of
international capitalist class and to facilitate its efforts to establish
favorable conditions for super-accumulation required for entering the
upward swing of a new long-wave cycle. 

This is why Russia's most class-conscious workers support Zyuganov in this
elections while ruthlessly criticizing his ideology and program, and
pressing him to take a more radical stand. They say: Zyuganov is a lesser
evil today, but the day after his coming to power the working class should
turn all its fire against him. 

Finally, whatever the outcome of the elections, voting for Zyuganov - who
most likely will not be allowed to win - will teach the broad sections of
the working class that bourgeois electoral politics cannot lead to their
victory.  And this is, perhaps, the most valuable lesson of all. 

Vladimir




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