Date: Tue, 17 Sep 1996 10:35:10 -0700 (PDT) Subject: The state (authoritarianism) Justin's quotes from de Tocqueville are, of course, very appropriate. Anyone who has lived in a small town (or belonged to an organization that operated by "consensus") understands "the tyranny of the majority." What is at issue here is not whether we seek a future society which is democratic and recognizes the inevitable differences of interest and opinion in any complex society, but whether it is possible to abolish "the state" as a long-term project. I believe that it is. (I should say in passing that I disagree with Adam Rose that "the state = a body of armed men". The key to whether bodies of armed men [or women] are the foundation of a state is the degree to which they are autonomous from society as a whole and directed >from above. This is the heart of the whole debate around the standing army and the Second Amendment to the U.S. Constitution in which James Madison was so closely involved. Alexander Hamilton and others wanted the strongest possible state. Patrick Henry et al. wanted the weakest possible state. Madison [dragging Hamilton in his wake] argued for a state strong enough to conduct wars but "outgunned" by the armed citizenry. I don't read French with any competence, but I understand from H. Goldberg's biography that Jean Jaures maintained a similar position in France.) At the same time, I want to share a little gem of how *not* to approach this problem, one which I believe illustrates the convergence between utopianism and authoritarianism which Justin fears. I'd commend this to all of you who think differences of opinion will naturally disappear in a communist society. Think hard about how your opinions differ from the ones below. This is from the August 21, 1996, issue of _Challenge_, the newspaper of the Progressive Labor Party. I can explain more about PL in a separate post if people (particularly those from outside the U.S.) are curious. In brief, it was founded in the early 1960s as a left split from the Communist Party U.S.A., with its base mainly among union activists. During the 1960s it played a prominent role in the anti-war and student movements. Because they were rooted in marxist-leninist "deviations" which predated the Sino-Soviet split, PL was successfully baited for being insufficiently sycophantic toward the Chinese and Vietnamese leaderships, black nationalism, etc. Over the past 25 years, the party has more and more turned into a classic communist sect of the pre-marxist variety. Their paper is prone to headlines like "Workers Want Communism", and they are explicitly opposed to any transitional state of "socialism" on the road to communism. They are, I think, actually recruiting and growing, although I suspect the turnover rate is very high. This excerpt also, of course, gives a clue into PL's internal processes. ***** HOW WE CHOOSE LEADERS In communist society there won't be elections to choose leaders. There will be only one party, because workers everywhere (unlike the bosses) all have a common interest. This party will make and carry out all policy decisions collectively, in a centralized way. The choice of leaders -- both individuals and collectives -- will be made the same way it is in the Progressive Labor Party today. Like all decisions, assignments to leadership positions will be made on the basis of politics, not popularity or chance. Everyone is not the same: there is uneven development here, as everywhere else. There are many different tasks involved in building the Party today. These will expand as the movement grows, and especially after we take power. Not everyone will carry out all of these tasks, but everyone will be encouraged to contribute as best they can, according to their commitment to communism. Leadership decisions will be based primarily on demonstrated commitment and political skill, taking into account particular strengths and weaknesses and the needs of the Party as a whole. Who will decide these things? The existing leadership, based on their own observations of the comrades in question, and on the opinions of others who have worked with them. Under capitalism and other forms of class society, those who spend more years in school and who do better there are considered to have greater "leadership potential." With few exceptions, this generally means people who come from wealthier families to begin with. Communists, in contrast, pay special attention to bringing workers into leadership positions. Experience in the class struggle, lifelong familiarity with the needs of the working class, is far more important for those who would serve the people than any amount of book-learning. Those workers most oppressed by capitalism, black, latin and women workers, are especially chosen to be developed as leaders because they bring with them the experience of super-exploitation. Communist leadership does not bring with it privilege and prestige, as it does in capitalist and socialist societies. It brings added responsibility. The responsibility of leading the Party to put the needs of the working class, the fight for communism, above all else. (from _Challenge_, August 21, 1996) --- from list marxism2-AT-lists.village.virginia.edu ---
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