File spoon-archives/postanarchism.archive/postanarchism_2003/postanarchism.0307, message 25

Date: Thu, 10 Jul 2003 03:39:22 -0700 (PDT)
Subject: [postanarchism] Alston: "Toward a Vibrant & Broad African-Based Anarchism

This interesting review by a former member of the
Black Panthers and the Black Liberation Army argues
for an African anarchism that would be "complemented
with various postmodernist analyses which challenge
old positions on nationalism (Wahneema Lubiano,
Benedict Anderson, Rajani K. Kanth, Manuel Castells,
Partha Chatterjee), cultural revolution (bell hooks,
semiotician Omofolabo Ajayi-Soyinka), and classical
anarchism (Todd May, Saul Newman)".


Towards a Vibrant & Broad African-Based Anarchism

Review by Ashanti Alston

Post-Colonial African Theory and Practice: Wole
Soyinka's Anarchism By Joseph Walunywa
Ph.D. Dissertation, Syracuse University, 1997

African Anarchism: The History of a Movement
By Sam Mbah and I.E. Igariwey
Tucson, Arizona: See Sharp Press, 1997

I am always on the search for cutting edge,
challenging thinking within anarchism and other fields
of revolutionary theory: the search for how to get
beyond 'stuck.' As a Black anarchist I have looked for
writings specifically related to the problems and
challenges that I face, and that my people face here
in the United States, and that can help us organize
for self-determination and destroy the very basis upon
which all oppressive systems operate. Of the activist
"isms," anarchism, at least in theory, promotes the
kind of openness and risk-taking that actually
encourages the constant regeneration necessary to meet
new revolutionary challenges. The price to pay, often,
is getting "uncomfortable," being "jarred," even in
terms of what one understood as the anti-authoritarian
or anarchist canon.

The two works reviewed here, Post-Colonial African
Theory and Practice: Wole Soyinka's Anarchism and
African Anarchism: The History of a Movement, come
from authors trapped in vicious post-colonial hells.
They have "stretched their necks" to see and
understand differently in order to just "breathe" and
fight back. The stretching and openness to new
information, new insights, is what keeps anarchism and
other radical perspectives fresh and evolving to meet
our planetary needs.

Wole Soyinka's Anarchism
Post-Colonial African Theory and Practice by Joseph
Walunywa, a Kenyan student who wrote in requirement
for a degree of Doctor of Philosophy in English at
Syracuse University in New York, was a rare find.
Black and African writers on the subject of anarchism
are rare, seemingly.

Wole Soyinka, the first African to win the Nobel Peace
Prize (for Literature, 1986), is a controversial
figure. He was brought up as a relatively privileged
Nigerian of Yoruba culture, raised partially Christian
and given a Western education. Though indebted to
Western literary figures such as Nietzsche, Bertolt
Brecht and G. Wilson Knight, he was also influenced by
Franz Fanon, Kwame Nkrumah, Amilcar Cabral, Julius
Nyerere, and was familiar with the writings of
anarchist thinkers such as Pierre Proudhon, Tolstoy,
Gandhi, Albert Camus and Ignazio Silone.(1) But his
philosophical roots are deeply embedded in African and
more specifically Yoruba mythology and culture. It was
his grandfather, with whom he developed a special
relationship, that gave him his groundings in Yoruba
mythology.(2) It is in this Yoruban and Western
reinterpretation of African myth that Walunywa finds
the not-so-hidden anarchism.

Soyinka's dramatic works include Dance of the Forests,
Death and the King's Horseman, Madmen and Specialists;
his poetry, Idanre and Other Poems; Autobiography,
Ake: the Years of Childhood; a novel, The
Interpreters; literary and cultural criticism, Myth,
Literature and the African World; and political
criticism, The Open Sore of a Continent.

His ability to play with both Greek and Yoruban drama
and tragic themes has made his work unique. His
analysis of the post-colonial absurdities of Nigerian
and African power dynamics and his call for an
"organic revolution" that derives its authenticity
from Yoruban mythology has also made his productions
controversial. For example, in 1960 the twenty-six
year old Soyinka returned to Nigeria from England as
the country achieved its nominal independence from
England. His new play, Dance of the Forest, whose
opening was timed to coincide with official
celebrations, immediately placed him at odds with the
newly installed leaders as well as with many of his
fellow intellectuals. The play's theme focused on
Africa's, and by extension Nigeria's, "recurrent cycle
of stupidities," i.e. the chronic dishonesty and abuse
of power that colonialism had bred in generations of
indigenous political leaders and functionaries. Like
Fanon and Nkrumah, he had dared to highlight class
contradictions and other pitfalls of nationalism and
neo-colonialism. He has maintained his criticism and
vision for over forty years as an artist and a
Wole Soyinka

By recounting the representation and play with Yoruba
myth and ritual drama that runs through Soyinka's
work, Walunywa seeks to demonstrate recurrent
anarchist themes. Exciting. Can tragic or ritual drama
in "endogenous" (Walunywa's term) society provide
means for anarchic regeneration, recuperation, and a
praxis of the "creative-destructive principle" in
contemporary life? Does this have parallels in
post-industrial Western societies, especially one like
the United States, that has "captive nations within"
(my words) that are "endogenous," including Black,
Mexicano and Native American nations?

Walunywa presents a definition of anarchism, through
Soyinka, that is based in African reality and,
surprisingly, on ritual or tragic drama. I would call
his work, "An Anarchism Defined Through The Ritual
Drama of Endogenous Society." His 313 page
dissertation presented quite a challenge: generally
familiar with Africa's best known literary writer and
playwright, I was less familiar with the specific
literary and artistic usage of terms such as drama,
ritual, tragedy, primordial, chthonic, archetype,
abyss, Promethean, Apollo, Dionysus, etc., and the
Yoruban mythology that infuses all of Soyinka's work.

Key to understanding Walunywa's expose is his
definition of anarchism: "As used in this study, the
term anarchism refers to a specific form of anarchism
that I believe Soyinka has introduced in African
intellectual discourse. . . . Anarchism is defined as
the desire on the part of the individual concerned to
deconstruct the social, economic and political
institutions which reflect the values of 'modern
civilization' as conceptualized through the prevailing
ideologies in order to pave the way for the
recuperation of 'primordial culture' as conceptualized
through the 'cosmologies' of 'endogenous
societies.'"(3) It is "the consistent resistance—the
desire to break free of—all forces, irrespective of
whether they originate from 'the Left' or from 'the
Right,' that seek to confine either the individual or
the community within any established social, economic,
or political constitutional barricade."(4)

By "endogenous societies"(5) one should think
"indigenous" with Walunywa's focus on the role of
mythological or symbolic systems within these
societies. He is referring to the specific
mythological or symbolic practices that existed before
the imposition of European colonialist modernity
around the world and that are part of cultures that
continue to resist by holding on to their mythical
ritual archetypes. They are endogenous reenactments of
the unity, contradiction and struggle of existence;
ritual archetypal reenactments found the world over
that highlight and "myth poeticize" such dramatic
themes as death and rebirth, disintegration and
recuperation, destruction and creation, suffering and
compassion, fragmentation and re-assemblage, and
fallibility and remediation. These traditions contain
built-in mechanisms for constant resistance, revision,
recuperation and revolution.(6)

Walunywa states: "the primary function upon which
endogenous society is developed—"the ritual
archetype"—is believed to be 'revolutionary' in terms
of the freedom it affords the individual and the
community because it is thought to provide the medium
through which the individual and the community in
question maintain an intimate relationship with
primordial culture and its liberating forces (and
consequently exist in a diametrical opposition with
modern culture and its alienating forces) without
completely relinquishing their respective sense of
selfhood and community."(7) Walunywa makes it clear
that the anarchist lessons, the tools, are actually in
the ritual dramas themselves. He argues that Soyinka
brings their anarchic, communal character to center
stage through his art and literary productions, and
also in the fields of politics and post-colonial
revolution. Let us follow the story, as culled from
the works of Walunywa, Soyinka, Clyde W. Ford, and
Jane Wilkinson:

In the beginning there was only one godhead, known as
Orisa-nla, a beingless being, a dimensionless point,
an infinite container, including itself. This
uncreated creator had a slave known as Atooda or
Atunda. As Orisa-nla was working in a hillside garden,
Atunda rebelled, rolling a massive boulder down the
hill, smashing Orisa-nla into many fragments. So, the
story goes, these fragments became the Yoruba gods and
goddesses known as “orishas” with their number varying
from 201 to 1,001 or more.(8)

Of these many orishas, a handful represent key figures
in the pantheon and wisdom tradition of the Yoruba.
Soyinka keys in on, draws from, and gives his own
unique interpretation to the main careers of the gods
Obatala, Shango and Ogun.(9) Of the three, it is Ogun
with whom he found a personal affinity as a youngster
and whom, according to Walunywa, he develops as the
archetypal anarchist.(10) The story continues:

Originally both divinity and humanity were contained
in the godhead, Orisa-nla, and there was no earth as
we know it. To make a long story short, Obatala,
thesymbol of the power to shape life, made human
beings from clay and called on the supreme orisha,
Olorun, to breath life into them. It was done. Later,
there was a crisis and a problematic separation
between the orishas and humanity emerged. In the West,
after “The Fall” it is the task of humanity to find
its way to The One & Only God. In Yoruba, as in many
other endogenous cultures, it is the orishas, the gods
and goddesses, who journey to the earthly realm, for
in their divine state they were incomplete and needed
to re-embrace humanity to make them whole. It was Ogun
who forged the sacred path for the return of divinity
to humanity.(11)

With this we are being asked to accept the validity of
a non-Western perspective and way of making sense of
life. This may prove difficult for Marxists,
anarcho-communists, and syndicalists who have learned
to see the world only through the lens of science,
reason and objectivity, with "the worker" as the
epicenter of change. But, as Paul Feyerabend argues in
Against Method, "there is no idea, however ancient and
absurd, that is not capable of improving our
knowledge."(12) He also states that the indigenous
thinker often shows greater insight into the nature of
knowledge than those who deal exclusively with Western
science. "It is . . . necessary, to reexamine our
attitude towards myth, religion, magic, witchcraft and
towards all those ideas which rationalists would like
to see forever removed from the surface of the earth
(without so much as having looked at them—a typical
taboo reaction)." (13)

By paying homage to the gods within the context
provided by the ritual, the individual, working on
behalf of the community, consistently lets go of and
recuperates his or her sense of self-constitution. If
one wishes to get out of the post-colonial crisis, the
ritual says, first, "Yes, automatically, you have the
right to rebel," and second, "you must now prepare and
transit through an unavoidable hell to acquire the
powers, insights, skills, and unities necessary for
you and the community to move to the 'Liberation
Hilltop.'" This letting go or relinquishing of the
self into the abyss, chthonic realm, or the chaos
implies being torn asunder from all those alienating
forces and ideological influences, individually and
collectively internalized, that has kept one stuck in
a restricted state. It is in this way that the ritual
of transition provides a kind of built-in mechanism
for making a transition from a confining,
compartmentalizing, oppressive existence to more
liberatory and free realities.

For Soyinka, the transition itself is a principle and
Ogun is what could be called the principal "transit
conductor." The activity of going through something is
a fact of life and not always, and maybe even rarely,
a pleasant journey. But through it, through the abyss,
the chthonic realm or chaos, there are the elemental
forces upon which one can draw to bring about
re-assemblage, recuperation and creativity.

Walunywa points to Soyinka's use of Ogun as the tragic
hero whose job it is to make this transition happen.
It is Ogun's story that is most instructive here.
("Ogun is the embodiment of challenge, the Promethean
instinct in man, constantly at the service of society
for its full self-realization." (14))

The principle of destruction and creativity set in
motion by Atunda's boulder is repeated anew in the
activity of Ogun.(15) Soyinka places him at the center
of Yoruba metaphysics. He becomes the essence of
creativity itself. He is the individualist anarchist,
the iron worker, the reluctant leader, or Nietzsche's
Superman, expressing the indomitable will to power
(according to Soyinka) in the service of the
community. He is the only god willing to make the
transition through the abyss, through the chaos, to
prepare the way for the others in their quest to
reunify with humanity. In making the transition, he is
also willing to be torn asunder, so that in
re-assemblage he might help bring about communal
change. It is evident in Walunywa's commentary that
Soyinka has recreated the character of Ogun in such a
way that he can be most useful in the context of
Africa's contemporary post-colonial, neo-liberal
wreckage. This Ogunian anarchism is the theme that
constantly expresses itself throughout Soyinka's art,
life, and revolutionary vision.

African Anarchism: The History of a Movement
1997 was a celebratory year due to the publication of
the first major work on anarchism from a specifically
African perspective. Authors Sam Mbah and I.E.
Igariwey are both members of the Nigerian Awareness
League, an anarcho-syndicalist organization at the
time numbering up to one thousand members. There are
only a handful of reviews of the book and, sadly, I
have yet to find a review in any black nationalist

Though few people may associate anarchism with Africa,
many black nationalist folk will associate with its
close "cousins"—communalism and African socialism.
Although anarchism still carries
capitalist-constructed distortions, and leftist,
Marxist dishonesty, it is both bold and dangerous for
Africans to declare themselves anarcho-syndicalist and
argue that anarchism has a legitimate place among
liberation theories on the continent. And one must
ask: Why? Thus far nothing has been able to resolve
Africa's post-colonial, neoliberal crisis: neither
liberal democracy, Marxism, capitalism, modernity, nor

In an 1999 interview Mbah explained the spirit in
which he and Igariwey outlined anarchism's
relationship to Africa: "Although anarchism is not
complete without the Western European contributions,
we believe there are elements of African traditional
societies that can be of assistance in elaborating
anarchist ideas. One of these is the self-help, mutual
aid, or cooperative tradition that is prevalent in
African society."(16)

In the first two chapters they give a very general
perusal of a European-based anarchist theory and
history, and also a history of anarcho-syndicalism on
the African continent. For me, the book begins with
the third Chapter, "Anarchist Precedents in Africa,"
which identifies and expounds upon "anarchic
elements"(17) in pre-colonial stateless societies and
explores how these elements manifest themselves today.
Case studies focus on such communities as the Igbo,
the Tallensi, and the Niger Delta peoples (notably,
the hierarchical Yoruba are not chosen). "Anarchy as
an abstraction may indeed be remote to Africans, but
it is not at all unknown as a way of life." (18) In
other words, Mbah and Igariwey are saying: "here are
the 'anarchic elements,'(19) "here are indigenous
roots." In their last chapter, "Anarchism's Future in
Africa," the authors return to these roots to advance
a revolutionary perspective for liberation from the
post-colonial, neo-liberal devastation of the African
continent: "Given these problems, a return to the
'anarchic elements' in African communalism is
virtually inevitable." (20) There is hope grounded in
concrete historical (and present-day) examples of
stateless, government-less, police-less societies.

Mbah and Igariwey do not paint a romantic, rosy
picture of these "tribes without rulers." Communalism
was not an anarchist utopia. But mechanisms were in
place to work out social problems through a
participatory, broadly inclusive form of democracy
that we call consensus. This is startling information
for those of us accustomed to seeing life as
structured upon rich and poor, government and led,
police and policed citizenry, White and nigger.

With religion or spirituality, Mbah and Igariwey do
point out its significance in traditional life and the
cohesive role it played: "Religion, in this sense, was
primarily a theoretical interpretation of the world,
and an attempt to apply this interpretation to the
prediction and control of worldly events. . . . The
idea that 'spiritual forces' translated into a notion
of gods, an earth spirit or a powerful guardian spirit
that was personal to individual members of the
community. . . . In short, the gods are not only
theoretical entities, they are people."(21)

Whereas Soyinka would see this aspect of indigenous
religion as dynamic, in "Obstacles to the Development
of Anarchism in Africa (Religious and Cultural
Factors)," the authors state: "like all religions,
African religions also had conservative/reactionary
aspects." (22) They connect religion with despair and
say that religion, especially imported Western
religion, feeds on despair. Although this may simply
reflect the authors' uncritical embrace of a
European-based anarcho-syndicalist, anti-metaphysical
perspective, one also learns that religion or
spirituality is not static. There are ritual aspects,
specifically in indigenous societies, that have
built-in mechanisms for challenging the status quo and
making change.

In reexamining the development of African socialism,
the authors encourage us not to close the books on
Nkrumah's positive socialism, Senghor's existential
and "negritude" socialism, Nasser's democratic
socialism, or Nyerere's Ujamaa (familyhood) socialism.
Although all these varieties of African socialism were
state-initiated and failures, Mbah and Igariwey
believe that a very "genuine and credible attempt" was
made in Tanzania under Julius Nyerere. Nyerere's
thought is seen as an organized, systematic
perspective on socialism that is "indisputably
anarchistic in its logic and content." (23) His
attempt to implement socialism through the concept of
Ujamaa was novel. It was based on the community and
the traditional family group, but took into account
"modern methods and the twentieth century needs of
man."(24) It called for village democracy and was not
to be established through coercion, but rather
persuasion and consensus. The authors contend that the
intervention of bureaucracy and state corruption
caused Ujamaa to fail, but insist that this does not
detract from Nyerere's argument. A small commentary is
devoted to Muammar Gadhafi's "Third Universal Theory"
and his concept of jamarrhiriyah.(25) Though it is
another experiment in socialism initiated by the state
(and like so many others, the state emerged from a
liberation movement), it is theoretically bold and
deserves more attention, along with the revolutionary
socialist works of Nyerere, Sekou Toure, Augustino
Neto, Samora Machel, Amilcar Cabral, Kwame Nkrumah and
Patrice Lumumba.

In "Anarchism and the National Question in Africa" the
authors again, I feel, rely too strongly on a European
experience, which ties nationalism to capitalism,
national and ethnic chauvinism, and the construction
of a state. This perspective does not articulate the
full creativity of nationalism and national liberation

Mbah and Igariwey subsume nationalism, culture, and
the spirituality of subject peoples under the class
struggle, specifically under the workers and peasants'
struggle. But real folks are also Ibo, Yoruba, Ogoni,
women, youth, university teachers, traders,
construction workers, etc. Nationalist movements have
strong identity components that are not grounded in
abstract political economic categories. Fresh thinking
is needed and can be drawn from analyses of
nationalism and liberation movements found in
feminist, postmodernist, and cultural studies. There
is already a small, but growing body of work on
non-state or anti-state nationalisms being developed
by anarchists and anti-authoritarians.

In developing a broad and vibrant African-based
anarchism, these two works can provide insights that
anarchists and revolutionaries in general are missing.
Together they offer a combination of culture and class
analyses that take in the whole of peoples’ lives:
their ritual everyday lives and their class-based,
post-colonial lives. Walunywa's analysis of Soyinka
gives us insight into the significance of everyday
Yoruban resistance, whereas Mbah and Igariwey give us
a strong class analysis of the African crisis and
suggest an anarchistic perspective that could free the

But it is worth noting that Walunywa does not mention
the criticism Soyinka has received for being elitist
and sexist in his works. For example, Ngugi wa
Thioing'O has criticized his works for downplaying the
power of the masses while overemphasizing the tragic
hero's ability to bring about change.(26) Also, his
women characters are, more often than not,
stereotypical femmes fatales and Soyinka focuses on
the three male gods, when there is just as much
revolutionary potential in the goddesses Osun, Oya,
and Yemoja. The decision is his, as was the decision
of Ibo writer Flora Nwapa, for example, to focus on
Ogbuide, the Lake Goddess (aka “Mammywata”), or Ama
Ata Aidoo, Ousmane Sembene and Ngugi wa Thioing'O to
give women more diverse revolutionary roles in their
literary works, and thus encourage more possibilities
for female and male readers. African Anarchism, though
strong on class analysis, could also benefit from a
stronger feminist analysis as well as insights from
works such as by Molara Ogundipe-Leslie, Filomina
Chioma Steady, and Florence Stratton that dig deeper
into African everyday life. Complemented with various
postmodernist analyses which challenge old positions
on nationalism (Wahneema Lubiano, Benedict Anderson,
Rajani K. Kanth, Manuel Castells, Partha Chatterjee),
cultural revolution (bell hooks, semiotician Omofolabo
Ajayi-Soyinka), and classical anarchism (Todd May,
Saul Newman), Mbah and Igariwey's work could be the
foundation of greater critical analysis.

Walunywa has done a most valuable thing by bringing
culture to the fore. His education in
post-structuralism, as noted in his preface, indicates
an ability to bring other perspectives into his work.
For me, Walunywa's interest in Soyinka's anarchism may
well be his own (he states: "Soyinka's own concept of
anarchism is the only truly revolutionary method
available to mankind today"(27). If so, it may be
Walunywa, more than Soyinka, who is our first
acknowledged African anarchist philosopher to join the
ranks of other thinkers—such as Gail Stenstad, Saul
Newman, Todd May, Lorenzo Erving, Colin Ward, and
Rolando Perez—who are pushing anarchist thinking
toward new, urgent horizons.(28) Together,
Post-Colonial African Theory and Practice: Wole
Soyinka's Anarchism and African Anarchism have taken
on added importance for me while researching and
writing this review. Their hints, insights, focuses
should be taken up by grassroots black revolutionaries
and others who go through the existential suffering of
being "stuck" in time and ineffective as movements.


1. Ignazio Silone (1900-78) was an Italian socialist
and anti-fascist journalist and novelist. He authored
Bread and Wine (1962) and defined himself as a
"socialist without a party, Christian without a

2. Information on Soyinka's influences come mainly
from Florence Stratton, "Wole Soyinka's Social
Vision," Black American Literature Forum, Vol. 22,
Number 3 (Fall 1988): 534. Stratton, interestingly,
also associates anarchism with Soyinka's works. Also,
see: Joseph Wilson, "Soyinka and Philosophic
Traditions: European and African,"

3. Joseph Walunywa, "Post-Colonial African Theory and
Practice: Wole Soyinka's Anarchism" (Ph.D. Diss.,
Syracuse University, 1997), 21.

4. Ibid., 75.

5. Ibid., 3, 23.

6. Ibid., 116.

7. Ibid., 22.

8. Compiled from the following and compared for
consistency: Clyde W. Ford, The Hero With An African
Face (New York: Bantam Books, 1999), 146; Jane
Wilkinson, Orpheus in Africa: Fragmentation and
Renewal in Four African Writers/Between Orpheus and
Ogun (Rome: Bulzoni Editore, 1990), 179-181; and
Walunywa, "Post-Colonial African Theory and Practice,"

9. Walunywa, "Post-Colonial African Theory and
Practice," 93-99.

10. Ibid., 104.

11. From Ford, The Hero With An African Face, 146;
Jane Wilkinson, Orpheus in Africa, 179-181; and
Walunywa, "Post-Colonial African Theory and Practice,"

12. Paul Feyerabend, Against Method: Outline of an
Anarchist Theory of Knowledge
See also, Arun Bala, Feyerabnd and Scientific Method,

13. Paul Feyerabend, Against Method: Outline of an
Anarchist Theory of Knowledge, Ibid.

14. Wole Soyinka, Myth, Literature and the African
World (New York: Cambridge University, 1976), 30.

15. F. Odun Balogun, "Soyinka and the Literary
Aesthetic of African Socialism," Black American
Literature Forum, Vol. 22 Number 3, (Fall 1988): 521.

16. Chuck Morse, "African Anarchism: An Interview with
Sam Mbah," Perspectives on Anarchist Theory, Spring
1999, 9.

17. Sam Mbah and I. E. Igariwey, African Anarchism:
The History of a Movement

18. Ibid.

19. Ibid.

20. Ibid.,

21. Ibid.,

22. Ibid.,

23. They write: "It is ultimately in the seminal
thoughts of Julius Nyerere that we glean an organized,
systematic body of doctrine on socialism that is
indisputably anarchistic in its logic and content."

24. They write: "Their community would be the
traditional family group, or any other group of people
living according to Ujamaa principles, large enough to
take account of modern methods and the twentieth
century needs of man." Ibid.

25. For further commentary, see Thomas Martin,
"Society Its Own Supervisor: Qathafi's Democratic
Theory," Social Anarchism, No. 15 (1990): 42. Martin
defines jamahiriya as the "state of the masses" or

26. See Ngugi wa Thiong'o, "Wole Soyinka, T.M. Aluko
and the Satiric Voice," in Homecoming: Essays on
African and Caribbean Literature, Culture and
Politics, Ngugi wa Thiong'o (Chicago: Chicago Review
Press, 1983). See also Mumia Abu-Jamal, "Soyinka's
Africa," The Black Scholar, Vol. 31, No. 1: 37.

27. Joseph Walunywa, " Post-Colonial African Theory
and Practice," 124.

28. I do want to admit the heavy male and western bias
of my own resources, especially in not being able to
refer to any women of color anarchist theoreticians or
philosophers for this review. Self-criticism is here.

===="The world is the natural setting of and field for all my thoughts and all my explicit perceptions. Truth does not 'inhabit' only 'the inner man' or more accurately, there is no inner man, man is in the world and only in the world does he know himself."

— Merleau-Ponty, Phenomenology of Perception, 1945

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