File spoon-archives/postcolonial.archive/postcolonial_2000/postcolonial.0011, message 91


From: "Reem Faisal" <faisalreem-AT-hotmail.com>
To: H2COOL2224-AT-aol.com, tooffee_alfaisal-AT-hotmail.com,
Subject: Fwd: Gore's speech to Jews (This may make you nauseous!)
Date: Thu, 16 Nov 2000 23:27:58 AST



Read this and despair.

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>Subject: Gore's speech to Jews (This may make you nauseous!)
>Date: Tue, 07 Nov 2000 15:39:55 EST
>
>
>From:  AMILAnet <amila-AT-mpac.org>
>Subject:  COMMENTARY: This may make you nauseous!
>Date:  Mon, 6 Nov 2000 15:48:26 -0800
>
>- From Haris Amin, hamin2-AT-home.com:
>
>With lips firmly planted, Gore gave this speech to our Jewish bretheren.
>
>Haris Amin
>
>-----
>
>Vice President Al Gore delivered a speech at the 39th Annual Policy
>Conference of AIPAC (American Israel Public Affairs Committee), on May
>18,1998. In a break with tradition, Gore's office refused to make copies
>of his speech available. However, a copy has been leaked to the press.
>
>Following is that speech:
>
>I can't tell you how glad I am see so many warm friends . . .To my
>friend, Chairman Steve Grossman ...I was going to acknowledge Jim
>Nicholson also...Mel Solberg (ph), chairman of the conference of
>presidents of major Jewish organizations ... To Minister Natan Sharansky,
>my warm friend. Where are you, Natan? To my colleagues in the
>administration who are present, Jack Lew, director of OMB; Martin Indyk
>of the State Department; and John Holum of the State Department; in the
>White House, Leon Fuerth and Marie Echaveste and Ann Lewis; and so many
>other distinguished guests.. . I overlooked, in protocol order, the past
>presidents who are with us here. . .Bubba Mitchell (ph). .. Ed Levy
>(ph),... and Larry Wineberg (ph), my good friend.
>
>Well, ladies and gentlemen, I am truly delighted and honored to be here
>tonight. I want to salute you for your love of Israel, for your energetic
>and enduring support of the U.S-Israel relationship and partnership, and
>also for coming here every year to advocate for one of the most important
>cornerstones of American national security, and that is a strong and
>stable state of Israel. We appreciate your efforts. Every so often, in
>the course of this historic friendship, it's good to revisit core
>principles. And I'd like to do that this evening. To begin with, every
>American citizen is better off because we have a loyal and committed
>friend in the Middle East that votes with us in the United Nations more
>often than any other country on the face of this earth. That is a
>partner. That is a fellow democracy that values what we value, a trategic
>ally and friend that we must support with the highest level of loyalty,
>and we will. The committed involvement of the students here tonight
>really and truly represents an inspiring rebuke to the view that today's
>young people in America have a dwindling interest in politics and public
>life. You reject apathy. You reject selfishness and inwardness and
>indifference. So thank you for your enthusiasm and your commitment. Keep
>it up. Remain involved. We need your voices.
>
>We meet tonight, of course, in the jubilee year of our
>
>great friend, Israel. And I must tell you on a personal note for my wife
>Tipper and me, three weeks ago, the celebration of that jubilee was among
>the most moving moments of our lives. To sit with Prime Minister
>[Binyamin] Netanyahu and his wife Sara, with President [Ezer] Weizman. .
>. to see the house of Israel gathered. . . in Jerusalem; to have the
>honor and the challenge of putting into words to the people of Israel the
>bottomless reservoir of love and respect felt for them by the people of
>the United States of America and then to hear that love roared back,
>believe me, that was a joyous mission. It was a great honor to represent
>our country on that mission. At that celebration, we were not merely
>celebrating that evening. We were not simply honoring the passage of 50
>years. We were honoring what has been achieved in those 50 years. Israel
>has opened its doors to millions from the farthest reaches of the globe
>and gathered them into a great nation. The Jewish love of justice has
>built a powerful democracy. The Jewish love of courage has built a
>powerful military and the Jewish love of knowledge and respect for
>learning has turned an infant nation state into a high-tech economic
>power house.
>
>On this latest trip to Israel, I visited the world renowned Weizmann
>Institute where Boeing and two Israeli companies are working together on
>a tremendous solar energy project that could substantially reduce the
>world's use of fossil fuels. Israel is now second in the world in the
>number of annual high-tech startups. One century ago, Israel was a dream.
>Half a century ago, Israel became a reality. Today, Israel is a miracle.
>We in America believed in Israel and loved Israel from the beginning. We
>are intensely proud that 11 minutes after David Ben-Gurion declared the
>new state of Israel, the United States, under the wise leadership of
>President Harry S Truman, became the first nation in the world to
>recognize Israel. And on that auspicious day was born not only one of the
>most enduring nations in history but also the most enduring friendship
>between nations in history. Our admiration for Israel has never been
>greater; our commitment to Israel has never been stronger; our friendship
>with Israel has never been deeper; America stands by Israel now and
>forever.
>
>Our special relationship with Israel is unshakable; it is ironclad,
>eternal and absolute. It does not depend on the peace process; it
>transcends the peace process. Our differences are momentary, not
>permanent. They are about means and not ends. And let me say to my fellow
>citizens here in the United States, to our friends in Israel and let me
>say especially to the citizens of any nation who may wish Israel ill,
>don't you even think for one minute that any differences about this or
>that between the governments of the United States and Israel belie even
>the slightest weakening in our underlying unity of purpose or will shake
>our relationship in any way, shape or form. Our commitment to the
>security of Israel is unconditional and this administration is acting
>decisively to meet that commitment. We provide more than $1 billion in
>annual economic assistance. We support billions of dollars in joint
>economic ventures that have helped to make Israel into a second Silicon
>Valley. We support the binational industrial and agricultural research
>funds that have led to billions of dollars in product sales. We are
>Israel's largest trading partner, exceeding $12.5 billion per year. We
>pushed for the end of the Arab boycott of Israel that opened markets,
>expanded Israel's exports, and multiplied Israel's foreign investment. Of
>course, we are not only committed to Israel's economic security, we are
>resolutely committed to Israel's military security. We provide $1.8
>billion annually in direct military assistance, including advanced
>aircraft like the F-15 and the F-16, to help maintain Israel's
>qualitative edge in military capacity. In the face of growing threats, we
>have worked to provide additional military assistance as needed. And we
>intend to increase our direct military assistance in the years to come.
>
>To combat terrorism, we organized at Sharm el-Sheikh the first
>counterterrorism conference to bring together Israeli and Arab leaders.
>Together our researchers are developing new anti-terrorist technologies.
>We rushed Israel $100 million in emergency aid to respond to new threats
>when they emerged. We imposed sanctions on terrorist sponsors, like Iran,
>Libya, Sudan and others. During the recent Gulf crisis, we immediately
>deployed a joint task force headed by a team of senior officers to
>coordinate U.S. military assistance to Israel to help meet a potential
>threat from Iraq. And as we deployed additional U.S. troops to the Gulf,
>we were prepared to commit additional Patriot missiles to bolster
>Israel's air defenses had it become necessary. To meet the continuing
>threat of Katyusha rockets, we funded and developed the tactical,
>high-energy laser program to provide Israel with a laser defense. To meet
>the growing threat of ballistic missiles, we upgraded the U.S.-Israel
>weapons research and development partnership to build the Arrow
>anti-tactical ballistic missile system. And most recently, we have worked
>with Congress to provide an additional $45 million to help Israel begin
>to build a third Arrow battery. But that's far from the full story. Let
>me expand for a moment on the threat of ballistic missiles. President
>Clinton and I consider this a matter of the utmost gravity. As many of
>you know... I was the author and principal sponsor of the legislation
>which now restricts the proliferation of ballistic missile technology.
>And as a member of the executive branch, I have become even more deeply
>involved in this issue. I've been particularly active over the last two
>years as Iran has tried to develop weapons of mass destruction and
>longer-range ballistic missile systems capable of threatening the entire
>region, including Israel.
>
>Let me assure you, the United States government at every level, from
>President Clinton on down, has been working diligently to block this
>process, cut off its oxygen and suffocate it and end it. We are working
>on every front to upgrade the coordination of measures to prevent the
>spread of dual-use technologies to countries like Iran and to counter
>terrorism. And I believe we are making progress in enhancing multilateral
>cooperation with the EU [European Union], Russia and Japan toward
>accomplishing our shared objective in inhibiting Iran's ability to
>develop weapons of mass destruction and support terrorist activity. As
>part of this effort, we have also intensively engaged the Russians on
>proliferation issues and on their plans for enforcing their own
>anti-proliferation policies, including when President Clinton met with
>President [Boris] Yeltsin at the just completed Summit of the Eight in
>Birmingham, England. This battle against proliferation is, of course, a
>very high stakes battle.
>
>Let me say to the men and women of AIPAC who have worked so hard to make
>sure that Israel will never be threatened, I pledge to you here this
>evening that this admistration will continue to use all of our resources
>and all our ingenuity to win this battle, and ensure the safety of
>Israel, and protect U.S. national interests. Just today, just today, I
>had the latest in a series of meetings with Minister Sharansky. And I
>cannot discuss the substance of our conversations, but I can tell you
>this: Prime Minister Netanyahu and President Clinton have authorized the
>two of us to carry on the most intensive, high-level discussion and close
>coordination possible on this subject. I can tell you that we are making
>progress. I can tell you that we have more work to do. I can tell you
>that there is no disagreement between the two of us on any of the
>details. There is constant consultation back and forth. And I can tell
>you that we are determined to prevail. We are going to take every step
>necessary in order to prevail. Now, all of these efforts I have described
>reflect our ironclad commitment in the administration and in the United
>States to make sure that Israel is safe. And yet, they represent just one
>pillar of our effort in Israel's defense. The second pillar is the search
>for lasting peace with security.
>
>We embraced this search in the very first year of the Clinton-Gore
>administration, and our involvement has deepened over time. Remember, for
>example, our nation's help in bringing about the peace treaty between
>Israel and Jordan. I could cite many other examples over the last 5-1/2
>years. This involvement deepened when Prime Minister Netanyahu invited us
>to help in the negotiations over the Hebron agreement when they reached
>an impasse. Then, after months of continuing stalemate, it deepened
>further when Prime Minister Netanyahu concluded that the step-by-step
>approach was not working fast enough and that what was needed was an
>accelerated approach to permanent status negotiations. Because our lines
>of communication are open in some places where Israel's are closed, Prime
>Minister Netanyahu asked the United States to use our good offices to
>assist Israel's search for peace with security. As the parties found it
>gradually harder to respond to one another, we offered ideas we hoped
>would continue the forward movement of the peace process.
>
>Over the past 15 months, that has been our goal. I personally have met
>for many, many hours one on one with Prime Minister Netanyahu in Israel,
>here in the United States, in other countries, on the margins of
>international meetings that he and I both were attending. He is a man
>carrying the weight of the history of the Jewish people on his shoulders.
>He knows as well as anyone that an error at this time could profoundly
>affect the future well-being of Israel. In our conversations, I have
>always found the prime minister deeply concerned, not only about the
>security dimensions of a peace agreement, but also about the true
>intentions of his neighbors. Peace on paper is not the same as peace in
>ones heart. The prime minister wants to know that his neighbors are truly
>seeking peace, and not just a strategic foothold. The United States
>shares these concerns, particularly when Chairman [Yasir] Arafat makes
>public statements that seem to undercut his signed commitments to peace.
>He cannot say one thing to the world and another thing to his own people.
>He must speak to his people ... He must speak to his people in consistent
>and unambiguous terms about the permanent nature of the peace he is
>trying to reach and declare a clear and unequivocal acceptance of the
>state of Israel. The United States believes there is one authentic way
>for Israel's neighbors to prove their commitment to peace: fight
>terrorism. And that is why, in our approach to Chairman Arafat, we have
>been insisting strenuously that he owes this process a 100 percent attack
>on terrorism, 100 percent of the time, 24 hours a day, seven days a week,
>365 days a year and not one second less. It is essential. There is some
>cause for encouragement in the fact that over the past two months
>Chairman Arafat has taken steps to uproot the Hamas terrorist network and
>its terrorist infrastructure. Clearly these actions against terrorists
>are long overdue, but still they are positive developments, and we will
>keep urging him on in what he has begun.
>
>Ultimately, the prospects for peace rests on the answer to one question:
>Will Arab nations and peoples finally accept Israel as a neighbor? In my
>conversations with Chairman Arafat, with Crown Prince Abdullah in Saudi
>Arabia, and with President [Hosni] Mubarak in Egypt, and with others
>during previous visits, we discussed this issue. One can never dismiss
>the effect of decades of organized national hatred directed against
>Israel. But neither should we dismiss out of hand, the possibility that
>another attitude may have begun to take root. An attitude that favors
>ending this conflict in order to get on with the tasks of the future. I
>have sensed this attitude in my discussions with King Hussein and others
>in Jordan.And there is evidence of its existence elsewhere. If this new
>attitude does really exist, it needs encouragement. Otherwise, it could
>vanish.
>
>That, my friends, is what accounts for our efforts to urge the parties in
>these talks to work hard for success. This is an important matter. We are
>offering the best counsel we can to help find a breakthrough and help
>bring the parties to final talks. But through all of this there is one
>constant: The United States has an absolute, uncompromising commitment to
>Israel's security and an absolute conviction that Israel alone must
>decide the steps necessary to ensure that security. That is Israel's
>prerogative. We accept that. We endorse that. Whatever Israel decides
>cannot, will not, will never, not ever alter our fundamental commitment
>to her security.
>
>In addition, I know many of you have expressed concern about the
>establishment of a Palestinian state. Let me make clear our position,
>which has not changed. First, the question of the status of the West Bank
>and Gaza is an extremely complex issue which Israel and the Palestinians
>have agreed should be discussed and resolved by direct negotiations.
>Second, this issue, like the other issues reserved for permanent status
>talks, can only be settled through negotiations between Israel and the
>Palestinians. Finally, it is our view that unilateral actions and
>statements by the parties concerning these issues are not helpful to the
>environment necessary for making peace.
>
>Now, I began these remarks speaking of our country's affection for
>Israel. Let me now say a words about my own personal feelings about
>Israel. I was born in 1948, and when I was growing up watching world
>events, I saw in Israel a democracy surrounded by enemies, threatened
>with extinction, fighting for existence, sharing our values and my Bible.
>I identified closely with the struggle of the Israelis as one naturally
>identifies with people of courage, intelligence and determination who are
>committed to stand up to injustice, but have so many times been cut down
>by injustice. It is difficult for anyone who does not live in Israel and
>who has not directly experienced the suffering to understand what it
>means to a people who have formed a nation in the wake of the horrific
>events of World WarII to then see innocents become victims of terrorism.
>We know from whence comes this commitment to justice, grounded in an
>appreciation of the divine. This is the sacred principle that brings us
>here and binds us together. The bond I feel with this group and with the
>American Jewish community springs from this. It is tsedek, tsedek that we
>pursue together. And because we are committed to justice, we believe it
>is just that Israel exists and flourishes. Earlier I talked about first
>principles, our friendship with Israel; our common values; the fact that
>Israel is a democracy; an ally, loyal and faithful in the United Nations
>votes and elsewhere. But there is another principle involved. I believe,
>and the people of the United States of America believe, that when a
>people endure over 40 centuries suffering, enslavement by the pharaohs,
>wanderings in Canaan, destruction in Judah, captivity in Babylon,
>oppression by the Romans, expulsion again, persecutions and sufferings
>and pogroms, culminating in the unspeakably horrific frenzy of evil at
>the hands of the Nazis, justice demands for them a home, demands for them
>a state . . . demands for them security, peace with security, enduring.
>The people of Israel deserve a future that is as bright as their own
>brilliance, a land secure and impenetrable, the right to feel secure in
>their own nation, the right to be safe on their own streets, the right to
>live in peace with security.
>
>In closing, I pledge to you tonight with my whole heart that the United
>States of America will stand with Israel forever, to make real the dream
>of justice, peace and security for its sons and its daughters. May God
>bless, Medinat Yisrael "[Greater Israel.Ed.]", may God bless the friends
>of Israel, may God bless the peacemakers.
>
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