File spoon-archives/seminar-12.archive/transl-asia_1998/seminar-12.9803, message 29


Date: Thu, 26 Mar 1998 12:01:38 -0800
From: Indian Progressive Study Group <ipsg-AT-maestro.com>
To: Indian Progressive Study Group <ipsg-AT-maestro.com>
Subject: AIPSG Statement on the New Vajpayee government


Status:   


--------------D273C4265E8FAA4DF2C13417

THE NEED FOR AN ALTERNATIVE
Statement of the AIPSG on the installation of the Vajpayee Government
New York, March 25, 1998

With the installation of yet another coalition government in New Delhi
on March 19, 1998, India's festering governmental crisis has entered a
new phase.  The confusion and anxiety that accompanied the formation of
the Vajpayee government and the election of the Lok Sabha Speaker makes
it likely that the country will continue to lurch from crisis to crisis
for some time to come.

The measures announced by the new government in the past week provide a
glimpse of the arrangements being struck between different sections of
the ruling establishment in the assembly of the "centre-right"
coalition. They also reveal the extent of the impasse faced by this
establishment, which is steadily resorting to policies and measures that
are sure to worsen the very problems they deem to solve.

In the past few weeks, the new government and the President's inaugural
address to parliament has had much to say about "consensus" politics.
But it goes without saying that this consensus is not about unifying the
people and make a break with the past 50 years to build a new India.  It
is a consensus among the power-brokers of India - in this case, the BJP,
its regional allies, their backers, and the organisations of industry
and commerce - to capture power and share in the spoils of office.

A number of other policy objectives have been spelt out within the
National Programme for Governance, the most important of which concern
economic policy, security policy, and centre-state relations.  In
economic policy, on the one hand, the new slogan is "berozgari hatao"
(end unemployment), while on the other hand, the government has renewed
its commitment to "broaden and deepen liberalisation and
privatisation".  Similarly, the new "swadeshi" policy, and the
announcement that "India will be built by Indians alone" has been
followed by the announcement that state governments will have direct
authority to negotiate foreign investments in certain sectors.

The new Home Minister, L.K.Advani, has promised to streamline and
modernise the intelligence and law enforcement agencies of the state to
end violence and terrorism in the country - although it is common
knowledge that it is these very police and paramilitary forces that have
been implicated in the worst massacres, terrorism and "riots" to have
taken place in India, from Delhi in 1984, to Meerut in 1987 to Bombay in
1993.

>From the North-East to the North-West, the struggle for national rights
in India has raged since 1947 and it is specifically to attack those
fighting in this struggle that the 16th amendment to the constitution -
to include "national unity and territorial integrity" as a cardinal
principle - was introduced in 1963.  In one of its very first acts, the
new government reiterated and swore to continue with this policy.  What
this means is that the new federalism and consensus that Vajpayee speaks
of is one of concessions and accomodation to those who are part of his
front.  The flip-side of this is that Advani's security forces are being
refurbished and stand guard to deal with those who disagree, or who
decide to go beyond the pale of this type of "federalism" or
"consensus".

After 18 months of a "centre-left" government, India's rulers have
switched over to a "centre-right" government.  In the meanwhile,
preparations are afoot in the opposition camp, (such as the
refurbishment of the Congress party under Sonia Gandhi and the
realignment of the UF forces), to capitalize on popular opposition to
the status-quo by stage-managing a re-emergence of a centre-left
government to power once the centre-right runs its course.

In this way, by alternating between a ruling coalition in power and a
"loyal opposition" waiting in the wings, India's rulers hope to finally
bring some stability to their parliamentary system by creating a classic
two-party system of governance.  But this arrangement, which dates back
to 19th century Europe under conditions of limited franchise, arose
specifically to mediate differences among the competing interests of
property-holders in a period of "laissez-faire" competition.  Such a
system cannot be stabilized in the era of monopolies and multinationals
- because the old struggle for power between competing sections of
capitalists and landlords has been replaced by a struggle for power
between the people on the one hand, and the big business houses and
landlords on the other.   The BJP and its allies have taken the helm
pretending that they represent the people, in the same way that the
Congress party pretended that they representated the people for the past
50 years.  It stands to reason that the same people who have humiliated
the Congress repeatedly in the past, and who continue to press for their
rightful place in the political arena will reject and abandon any
present and future government coming to rule within this outdated
arrangement.

The key question now is how people can transform themselves from the
reactive activism of opposing the agenda of the ruling fronts, to being
a proactive political force?  The anser to this question lies in
examining the content and form of political power in India.  Political
power at present, as laid out in the Indian Constitution and its
enabling legislation, does not provide any role to the people in their
governance.  The power of the state stands completely above the people
and acts as a privilege distribution system in the style and spirit of
medieval royalty.  It is this content of state power which has made the
BJP and its new allies so willing to reach a "consensus" to come to
power - just as it impels the Congress or the UF to strike arrangements
of convenience to capture power.  It is the commanding, arbitrary
position of the executive power over the legislative power, and over the
whole polity which impels political parties to form their alliances to
come to power at the top.  The present election results make it
imperative that people address themselves to this content and form of
political power in India if they are ever to empower themselves and end
this status-quo.

In recent years, much attention has been drawn to the 19th century
Anglo-American conceptions that dominate the present Indian
Constitution, and that has created such a state power. The AIPSG has
recently launched a two-year study programme to focus attention on the
Indian Constitution and to elaborate on the need for a modern
constitution for India.  This project will run through January 26, 2000,
the 50th anniversary of the Constitution itself.  The plan of the study
program calls for an elaboration on the political and economic renewal
of India, as well as the renewal of the Indian Union.  The continuing
governmental crisis in Delhi and the all-sided crisis Indian society
faces cannot be resolved without such a comprehensive renewal of all
aspects of life, with political renewal being its most urgent.

It is important for all political forces interested in people's
empowerment to step up their work to elaborate an alternative - to
create new arrangements among people and to build a broad movement for
political renewal, a new constitution and new forms of power.  Unlike
the present Indian Constitution which recognizes no inalienable rights,
and which empowers the executive and legislative power to hand out
privileges to their cronies, a modern constitution must recognize as a
starting point that people have rights by dint of being human, and must
establish mechanisms and laws which will enable people to affirm their
rights, by vesting themselves with supreme power or sovereignty.

With another electoral exercise behind them, the people of India have
some very important, distinct choices to make.  On the one hand, they
can carry on with the status-quo and continue to be held hostage to the
agenda of establishment, be it the National Programme for Governance,
the Common Minimum Programme, or any such other.  On the other, they can
work to build an alternative to the status-quo.  The one - whether it
comes in the form of the "centre-right" or "centre-left", will only
prolong and worsen the decay of the last 50 years.  The other will
create the possibility for a new and modern India, whose fundamental law
will ensure equal rights and duties for all members of the polity,
facilitate the preservation and development of the languages and
cultures of all minorities, and assist the vulnerable sections of
society.  It is time for all Indians to come together and build such an
alternative.

-----------------------------------------------------------------

Association of Indian Progressive Study Groups
Earl Hall, Columbia University
New York, NY 10027
Email: ipsg-AT-maestro.com
Web: http:  http://www.geocities.com/CapitolHill/Lobby/8216/




--------------D273C4265E8FAA4DF2C13417

HTML VERSION:

THE NEED FOR AN ALTERNATIVE
Statement of the AIPSG on the installation of the Vajpayee Government
New York, March 25, 1998

With the installation of yet another coalition government in New Delhi on March 19, 1998, India's festering governmental crisis has entered a new phase.  The confusion and anxiety that accompanied the formation of the Vajpayee government and the election of the Lok Sabha Speaker makes it likely that the country will continue to lurch from crisis to crisis for some time to come.

The measures announced by the new government in the past week provide a glimpse of the arrangements being struck between different sections of the ruling establishment in the assembly of the "centre-right" coalition. They also reveal the extent of the impasse faced by this establishment, which is steadily resorting to policies and measures that are sure to worsen the very problems they deem to solve.

In the past few weeks, the new government and the President's inaugural address to parliament has had much to say about "consensus" politics.  But it goes without saying that this consensus is not about unifying the people and make a break with the past 50 years to build a new India.  It is a consensus among the power-brokers of India - in this case, the BJP, its regional allies, their backers, and the organisations of industry and commerce - to capture power and share in the spoils of office.

A number of other policy objectives have been spelt out within the National Programme for Governance, the most important of which concern economic policy, security policy, and centre-state relations.  In economic policy, on the one hand, the new slogan is "berozgari hatao" (end unemployment), while on the other hand, the government has renewed its commitment to "broaden and deepen liberalisation and privatisation".  Similarly, the new "swadeshi" policy, and the announcement that "India will be built by Indians alone" has been followed by the announcement that state governments will have direct authority to negotiate foreign investments in certain sectors.

The new Home Minister, L.K.Advani, has promised to streamline and modernise the intelligence and law enforcement agencies of the state to end violence and terrorism in the country - although it is common knowledge that it is these very police and paramilitary forces that have been implicated in the worst massacres, terrorism and "riots" to have taken place in India, from Delhi in 1984, to Meerut in 1987 to Bombay in 1993.

From the North-East to the North-West, the struggle for national rights in India has raged since 1947 and it is specifically to attack those fighting in this struggle that the 16th amendment to the constitution - to include "national unity and territorial integrity" as a cardinal principle - was introduced in 1963.  In one of its very first acts, the new government reiterated and swore to continue with this policy.  What this means is that the new federalism and consensus that Vajpayee speaks of is one of concessions and accomodation to those who are part of his front.  The flip-side of this is that Advani's security forces are being refurbished and stand guard to deal with those who disagree, or who decide to go beyond the pale of this type of "federalism" or "consensus".

After 18 months of a "centre-left" government, India's rulers have switched over to a "centre-right" government.  In the meanwhile, preparations are afoot in the opposition camp, (such as the refurbishment of the Congress party under Sonia Gandhi and the realignment of the UF forces), to capitalize on popular opposition to the status-quo by stage-managing a re-emergence of a centre-left government to power once the centre-right runs its course.

In this way, by alternating between a ruling coalition in power and a "loyal opposition" waiting in the wings, India's rulers hope to finally bring some stability to their parliamentary system by creating a classic two-party system of governance.  But this arrangement, which dates back to 19th century Europe under conditions of limited franchise, arose specifically to mediate differences among the competing interests of property-holders in a period of "laissez-faire" competition.  Such a system cannot be stabilized in the era of monopolies and multinationals - because the old struggle for power between competing sections of capitalists and landlords has been replaced by a struggle for power between the people on the one hand, and the big business houses and landlords on the other.   The BJP and its allies have taken the helm pretending that they represent the people, in the same way that the Congress party pretended that they representated the people for the past 50 years.  It stands to reason that the same people who have humiliated the Congress repeatedly in the past, and who continue to press for their rightful place in the political arena will reject and abandon any present and future government coming to rule within this outdated arrangement.

The key question now is how people can transform themselves from the reactive activism of opposing the agenda of the ruling fronts, to being a proactive political force?  The anser to this question lies in examining the content and form of political power in India.  Political power at present, as laid out in the Indian Constitution and its enabling legislation, does not provide any role to the people in their governance.  The power of the state stands completely above the people and acts as a privilege distribution system in the style and spirit of medieval royalty.  It is this content of state power which has made the BJP and its new allies so willing to reach a "consensus" to come to power - just as it impels the Congress or the UF to strike arrangements of convenience to capture power.  It is the commanding, arbitrary position of the executive power over the legislative power, and over the whole polity which impels political parties to form their alliances to come to power at the top.  The present election results make it imperative that people address themselves to this content and form of political power in India if they are ever to empower themselves and end this status-quo.
 
In recent years, much attention has been drawn to the 19th century Anglo-American conceptions that dominate the present Indian Constitution, and that has created such a state power. The AIPSG has recently launched a two-year study programme to focus attention on the Indian Constitution and to elaborate on the need for a modern constitution for India.  This project will run through January 26, 2000, the 50th anniversary of the Constitution itself.  The plan of the study program calls for an elaboration on the political and economic renewal of India, as well as the renewal of the Indian Union.  The continuing governmental crisis in Delhi and the all-sided crisis Indian society faces cannot be resolved without such a comprehensive renewal of all aspects of life, with political renewal being its most urgent.

It is important for all political forces interested in people's empowerment to step up their work to elaborate an alternative - to create new arrangements among people and to build a broad movement for political renewal, a new constitution and new forms of power.  Unlike the present Indian Constitution which recognizes no inalienable rights, and which empowers the executive and legislative power to hand out privileges to their cronies, a modern constitution must recognize as a starting point that people have rights by dint of being human, and must establish mechanisms and laws which will enable people to affirm their rights, by vesting themselves with supreme power or sovereignty.

With another electoral exercise behind them, the people of India have some very important, distinct choices to make.  On the one hand, they can carry on with the status-quo and continue to be held hostage to the agenda of establishment, be it the National Programme for Governance, the Common Minimum Programme, or any such other.  On the other, they can work to build an alternative to the status-quo.  The one - whether it comes in the form of the "centre-right" or "centre-left", will only prolong and worsen the decay of the last 50 years.  The other will create the possibility for a new and modern India, whose fundamental law will ensure equal rights and duties for all members of the polity, facilitate the preservation and development of the languages and cultures of all minorities, and assist the vulnerable sections of society.  It is time for all Indians to come together and build such an alternative.


Association of Indian Progressive Study Groups
Earl Hall, Columbia University
New York, NY 10027 
Email: ipsg-AT-maestro.com
Web: http:  http://www.geocities.com/CapitolHill/Lobby/8216/
 
 
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